THE EXPEDITIONS OF
John Charles
Fremont
VOLUME 1
Travels from 1838 to 1844
EDITED BY
DONALD JACKSON AND MARY LEE SPENCE
$22.50
THE EXPEDITIONS OF
John Charles Fremont
Volume 1 : Travels from 1838 to 1844
and Map Portfolio
EDITED BY DONALD JACKSON
AND MARY LEE SPENCE
"Railroads followed the lines of his jour-
neyings — a nation followed his maps to
their resting place — and cities have risen
on the ashes of his lonely campfires," wrote
Jessie Benton Fremont after the death of
her husband. She was speaking of a man
whose exploits, commendable and other-
wise, made him one of the best-known fig-
ures of the last century.
John Charles Fremont (1813-90) ex-
plored the American West at a time when
thousands of migrants were hungry for in-
formation, and thus became — with the
possible exception of Lewis and Clark —
the most acclaimed traveler of the nine-
teenth century in the lands beyond the
Missouri River. He married the daughter
of a powerful western senator, Thomas
Hart Benton, and added the advantages of
family influence to his own store of in-
genuity, endurance, and courage.
Fremont's expeditions across the plains
and Rockies added much to the nation's
growing body of knowledge about the
West. They also served to involve him in
politics and high finance, where he was far
from successful. He was the first presi-
dential candidate of the new Republican
Party in 1856, losing the race to Buchanan.
He made a fortune by developing gold
mines in California, only to see it slip
away in dubious financial schemes after
the Civil War. He played a major role in
the conquest of California, then was court-
martialed for his early failure to recognize
Stephen Watts Kearny as governor. His
(Continued on bacl^ flap)
THE EXPEDITIONS OF
John Charles Fremont
John Charles Fremont as he looked about 1849. From a print in
Walter Colton's Three Years in California (New York, 1850).
THE EXPEDITIONS OF
John Charles
Fremont
VOLUME 1
Travels from 1838 to 1844
EDITED BY
DONALD JACKSON AND MARY LEE SPENCE
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS PRESS
URBANA, CHICAGO, AND LONDON
THE EXPEDITIONS OF
John Charles Fremont
ADVISORY COMMITTEE
Allan Nevins (chairman)
Herman R. Friis
Robert W. Johannsen
Dale L. Morgan
© 1970 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois.
Manufactured in the United States of America.
Library of Congress Catalog Card No. 73-100374.
252 00086 2
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The preparation of the first volume and Map PortfoUo of Fremont's
travels began in 1965. Since then the editors have solicited advice and
assistance from scores of persons and institutions all over the United
States— and a few abroad. To each we are profoundly grateful, but
we must be content to name specifically only those institutions
which provided funds for research and publication.
The National Historical Publications Commission gave its early
endorsement to the undertaking, and provided not only search facil-
ities in the National Archives but also funds for the payment of
wages. The Research Board of the University of Illinois gave gener-
ously, as always, for the cost of wages, travel, photocopies, and other
necessities. The University of Illinois Press, going beyond its tradi-
tional role as publisher, became an actual sponsor of the project,
providing released time for the senior editor, office space for both
editors, and other considerations.
We are also grateful to Miss Jessie Benton Fremont, of Washing-
ton, D.C., the granddaughter of John Charles Fremont, for repre-
senting the family in granting us permission to use certain papers
not in government repositories.
30 June 1970
Donald Jackson
Mary Lee Spence
vn
CONTENTS
Introduction ^^^^
Symbols xliii
Early Years and the 1842 Expedition to South Pass
1. J. J. ABERT to FREMONT, 1 6 APRIL 1 838 3
2. EXCERPT FROM THE M^Wo/r/, [1838] 4
3. FREMONT TO MRS. ANN B. HALE, 6 JUNE 1 838 10
4. FREMONT TO JOEL R. POINSETT, 8 JUNE 1838 12
5. EXCERPT FROM THE Mcmoirs, [1838] 13
6. FREMONT TO HENRY H. SIBLEY, 16 JULY 1 838 20
7. FREMONT TO JOEL R. POINSETT, 5 SEPT. 1 838 21
8. J.J. ABERT TO PRATTE, CHOUTEAU AND COMPANY,
18 OCT. 1838 25
9. FRAGMENT OF A FREMONT JOURNAL, [22-26 OCT. 1838] 25
10. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 26 OCT. 1838 28
11. J. J. ABERT TO PRATTE, CHOUTEAU AND COMPANY,
12 NOV. 1838 28
12. JOSEPH N. NICOLLET TO F. R. HASSLER, 26 DEC. 1 838 3O
13. FINANCIAL RECORDS, 1838 3^
14. FREMONT TO J. J. ABERT, I JAN. 1839 44
15. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 4 JAN. 1839 44
16. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 2 MARCH 1839 45
17. J. J. ABERT TO PRATTE, CHOUTEAU AND COMPANY,
2 MARCH 1839 4"
18. J. J. ABERT TO JOSEPH N. NICOLLET, 4 MARCH 1 839 47
19. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 5 MARCH 1 839 48
20. FREMONT TO HENRY H. SIBLEY, 4 APRIL 1839 48
21. GEORGE M. BROOKE TO FREMONT, 4 APRIL 1839 49
22. EXCERPT FROM THE McmoirS, [1839] 5^
23. FINANCIAL RECORDS, 1839 69
IX
24. FREMONT TO JOEL R. POINSETT, 3 JAN. 184O ^3
25. FREMONT TO J. J. ABERT, 10 NOV. 184O 84
26. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, I9 NOV. 184O 85
27. FINANCIAL RECORDS, 184O ^5
28. J. J. ABERT TO JOEL R. POINSETT, 25 JAN. 184I 94
29. JOEL R. POINSETT TO LEVI WOODBURY, 26 FEB. 1 84 1 95
30. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 4 JUNE 184I 9"
31. JOSEPH N. NICOLLET TO FREMONT, II JULY 1 84 1 97
32. FREMONT TO RAMSAY CROOKS, 12 AUG. 184I 99
33. FREMONT TO RAMSAY CROOKS, I5 SEPT. 184I 100
34. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 10 OCT. 184I lOI
35. FERDINAND H. GERDES TO FREMONT, J NOV. 184I lOI
36. FINANCIAL RECORDS, 1 84 1 IO4
37. FREMONT TO J. J. ABERT, I4 APRIL 1842, AND DES MOINES
RIVER REPORT 115
38. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 25 APRIL 1842 121
39. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 25 APRIL 1842 122
40. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 9 MAY 1842 I23
41. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 26 MAY 1842 I23
42. CONTRACT WITH HONORE AYOT, [26 MAY 1842] I24
43. BENJAMIN CLAPP TO ANDREW DRIPS, 3O MAY 1 842 I25
44. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 8 JULY 1842 I26
45. J. J. ABERT TO P. CHOUTEAU, JR., AND COMPANY,
28 JULY 1842 127
46. J.J. ABERT TO P. CHOUTEAU, JR., AND COMPANY,
I AUG. 1842 128
47. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, I3 AUG. 1842 I28
48. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 16 NOV. 1842 I28
49. JOHN TORREY TO ASA GRAY, 1 8 NOV. 1 842 1 30
50. FREMONT TO JOSEPH N. NICOLLET, 27 NOV. 1842 I3I
51. ASA GRAY TO JOHN TORREY, [5 DEC. 1 842] 133
52. FREMONT TO J. C. EDWARDS, 10 DEC. 1842 134
53. FINANCIAL RECORDS, 1842 13^
54. ASA GRAY TO JOHN TORREY, [fEB. 1843] 15^
55. J. J. ABERT TO THOMAS H. BENTON, 10 MARCH 1843 159
56. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 10 MARCH 1843 160
57. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, II MARCH 1843 161
58. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, I4 MARCH 1843 ^^4
59. THOMAS H. BENTON TO FREMONT, 20 MARCH 1843 164
60. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 21 MARCH 1 843 165
61. Report OF the first expedition, 1843 '^^
REPORT 169
catalogue of plants collected by lieutenant FREMONT
in his expedition to the rocky mountains,
by john torrey 286
astronomical observations 312
meteorological observations 317
The Expedition of 1843-44 to Oregon and California
62. john torrey to asa gray, 26 march 1 843 34 1
63. j. j. abert to fremont, 22 april 1 843 342
64. j. j. abert to fremont, 2.6 april 1 843 342
65. fremont to stephen watts kearny, [ca. 8 may 1843] 343
66. p. chouteau, jr., and company to employees of the
company, 10 may 1843 344
67. j, j. abert to fremont, i5 may 1843 344
68. j. j. abert to fremont, 22 may 1 843 345
69. george engelmann to asa gray, 4 june 1 843 346
70. j. j. abert to robert campbell, 22 june 1843 347
71. j. j. abert to jessie benton fremont, 23 june 1843 349
72. j. j, abert to robert campbell, 3 july 1 843 350
73. j. j. abert to thomas h. benton, 10 july 1843 350
74. jessie benton fremont to adelaide talbot,
16 SEPT. 1843 352
75. J. J. ABERT TO ROBERT CAMPBELL, 18 SEPT. 1 843 353
76. FREMONT TO J. J. ABERT, 24 NOV. 1 843 354
77. JESSIE BENTON FREMONT TO ADELAIDE TALBOT, 3 DEC. 1843 354
78. J. J. ABERT TO ROBERT CAMPBELL, I3 DEC. 1843 355
79. JESSIE BENTON FREMONT TO ADELAIDE TALBOT, I FEB. 1844 356
80. JESSIE BENTON FREMONT TO ADELAIDE TALBOT, 3 MARCH 1844 358
81. JESSIE BENTON FREMONT TO ADELAIDE TALBOT,
24 MARCH 1844 360
82. JESSIE BENTON FREMONT TO ADELAIDE TALBOT, I5 JUNE 1844 361
83. FREMONT TO J. J. ABERT, 21 AUG. [1844] 3^^
XI
84. FREMONT TO WILLIAM WILKINS, 28 AUG. 1844 363
85. RUDOLPH BIRCHER TO FREMONT, I5 SEPT. 1844 365
86. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, I5 SEPT. 1 844 366
87. ASA GRAY TO JOHN TORREY, I OCT. [1844] 3^9
88. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 6 OCT. 1 844 37O
89. FREMONT TO GEORGE ENGELMANN, 22 OCT. 1844 37I
90. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 28 OCT. 1 844 372
91. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 21 NOV. 1 844 373
92. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 3 DEC. 1844 374
93. GEORGE ENGELMANN TO ASA GRAY, 6 DEC. 1844 375
94. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 3O DEC. 1844 375
95. FINANCIAL RECORDS, I JAN. 1843-3I DEC. 1844 377
96. ASA GRAY TO JOHN TORREY, SATURDAY MORNING [1845] 39I
97. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 12 JAN. 1845 39I
98. ASA GRAY TO JOHN TORREY, [l2 JAN. 1845.'^] 392
99. J. J. ABERT TO JOHN J. AUDUBON, 22 JAN. 1845 393
100. ASA GRAY TO JOHN TORREY, 28 JAN. [1845] 394
101. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 7 FEB. 1845 395
102. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 12 FEB. 1845 395
103. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 26 FEB. 1845 397
104. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 26 FEB. 1845 398
105. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, I MARCH 1845 399
106. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 5 MARCH 1845 399
107. FREMONT TO GEORGE TALCOTT, 10 MARCH 1 845 4OO
108. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, I3 MARCH [1845] 4OO
109. FREMONT TO [eDWARD M. KERn], 20 MARCH 1845 4OI
110. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 23 MARCH 1845 402
111. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 25 MARCH 1 845 4O3
112. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 27 MARCH 1845 4O3
113. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 3O MARCH 1 845 404
114. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 4 APRIL 1845 4O4
115. FREMONT TO MRS. TOWNSEND, 4 APRIL [1845?] 405
116. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 7 APRIL 1845 406
117. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 8 APRIL 1845 406
118. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 10 APRIL 1845 407
119. FREMONT TO JOHN BAILEY, II APRIL 1845 408
120. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, [CA. I5 APRIL 1845] 409
XU
121. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, l8 APRIL 1845 4IO
122. FREMONT TO STEPHEN COOPER, 22 APRIL 1845 4II
123. ASA GRAY TO JOHN TORREY, 23 APRIL [1845] 412
124. THOMAS H. BENTON TO [wiLLIAM L. MARCy], 25 APRIL 1845 414
125. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 26 APRIL 1845 415
126. FREMONT TO EDWARD M. KERN, I MAY 1845 415
127. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 2 MAY 1845 416
128. CASPAR WISTAR TO T. HARTLEY CRAWFORD, 5 MAY 1845 417
129. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 7 MAY 1 845 418
130. FREMONT TO J. J. ABERT, 9 MAY 1845 419
131. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, I4 MAY 1845 420
132. J. J. ABERT TO ASBURY DICKINS, I4 MAY 1845 421
133. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, I4 MAY 1 845 422
134. FREMONT TO JOHN TORREY, 18 MAY 1845 423
135. FREMONT TO ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, 22 MAY 1 845 424
136. J. J. ABERT TO FREMONT, 2.6 MAY 1 845 425
137. A REPORT OF THE EXPLORING EXPEDITION TO OREGON AND
NORTH CALIFORNIA IN THE YEARS 1 843-44 426
APPENDIX A. GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS 730
APPENDIX B. ORGANIC REMAINS 744
APPENDIX C. DESCRIPTIONS OF SOME NEW GENERA AND
SPECIES OF PLANTS, COLLECTED IN CAPTAIN
J. c. Fremont's exploring expedition to
OREGON AND NORTH CALIFORNIA, IN THE YEARS
1843-44: BY JOHN TORREY
AND J. C. FREMONT 758
ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS 77^
METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS MADE DURING THE JOURNEY 784
Bibliography 807
Index 819
Xlll
ILLUSTRATIONS
hot springs gate
devil's gate
JOHN CHARLES FREMONT H
JESSIE BENTON FREMONT XXXV
A LETTER BY FREMONT, IN HIS HANDWRITING xl
A LETTER BY FREMONT, IN THE HANDWRITING OF
JESSIE BENTON FREMONT xll
CHIMNEY ROCK 2l6
FORT LARAMIE 220
246
248
VIEW OF THE WIND RIVER MOUNTAINS 264
CENTRAL CHAIN OF THE WIND RIVER MOUNTAINS 200
VIEW OF PIKES PEAK 444
PASS OF THE STANDING ROCK 4^^
THE AMERICAN FALLS OF LEWIS FORK 5^4
OUTLET OF SUBTERRANEAN RIVER 5^9
HILL OF COLUMNAR BASALT ON THE COLUMBIA RIVER 556
PYRAMID LAKE "00
PASS IN THE SIERRA NEVADA OF CALIFORNIA 636
FOSSIL FRESH- WATER INFUSORIA FROM OREGON 74 ^
FOSSIL FERNS, PLATE I 747
FOSSIL FERNS, PLATE 2 749
FOSSIL SHELLS, PLATE 3 753
FOSSIL SHELLS, PLATE 4 757
Prosopis odorata 7"^
Arctomecon calijornka 7"7
Fremontia vermicularis 77^
Pinus monophyllus 775
XV
MAPS
BEAR RIVER between 470 and 471
BEER SPRINGS 479
THE GREAT SALT LAKE 507
RIO DE LOS AMERICANOS between 662 and 663
XVI
INTRODUCTION
The career of John Charles Fremont was marred by disasters
large and small, but his successes were monumental. His character
was flawed by vanity and by hunger for recognition and financial
gain, but there was enough toughness of spirit to carry him five times
across the plains and Rockies under conditions of intense privation,
leading bands of courageous men. In his lifetime some good men
loved him and others despised or mistrusted him. Even today there
are strongly differing points of view about his motives and his
methods, but there is less dispute about his place in the history of
his century.
Fremont's activities in the West, and his published reports, af-
fected the lives of thousands of migrants who plied the Oregon and
California trails. His success as an explorer, his interest in politics,
and his marriage to the daughter of Senator Thomas Hart Benton
of Missouri made him a familiar and sometimes influential figure
in Washington. He played a major role in the conquest of Califor-
nia, only to be court-martialed for his early failure to recognize
Stephen Watts Kearny as governor. He was the first presidential
standard bearer of the newly formed Republican Party in 1856. His
commission as major general in the Civil War, and his handling of
his two brief commands, involved him in controversy and earned
him the disfavor of Abraham Lincoln.
After acquiring great riches in the development of gold mines on
the Mariposa grant in California, he lost the Mariposa and much of
his wealth in financial schemes after the Civil War. At last he was
surviving by means of sinecures — such as the governorship of Ari-
zona Territory — and the income from the writings of his wife,
Jessie Benton Fremont. When he died on 13 July 1890 he was
nearly a pauper. Fremont's proudest legacy was what he had done
before the age of forty, exploring the West and making it known —
through his narratives — to a nation hungry to know.
xvii
These volumes will deal with those first forty years of his life, and
how they affected the future of the nation.
If one factor alone sets Fremont apart from his most notable pred-
ecessors in the field of U.S. exploration, it is the accident of time.
He was ready, and the public was ready, to turn all eyes to the West
and discover what it had to hold for the mass of men. If Lewis and
Clark had been able to carry out their travels under such strong
public scrutiny, they, too, might have been considered "dashing
figures." They lacked the aid of a blustering press agent such as
Thomas Hart Benton (although having President Thomas Jefferson
as a sponsor was not bad), but mainly they lacked an impatient pub-
lic. Their public was curious, patient, proud, but with no thought in
1804-6 of an Oregon Trail, an ox team and wagon, or a new life
waiting beyond the Mississippi or the Rockies.
Although time was on Fremont's side, and he had strong sup-
porters in Secretary of War Joel Poinsett and Senator Benton, he
brought attributes of his own to the making of the Fremont legend.
He brought audacity, courage, and a quick mind which had ab-
sorbed a good deal of knowledge in the fields of natural history,
geography, and surveying. He also brought Jessie into the picture —
a beautiful and talented girl, inheritor of her father's concern for
power and prestige, and with an ability to write which would pro-
vide young Fremont with a lifelong amanuensis and ghost-writer.
Senator Benton aided the young explorer in many ways, but no
one can say that he freely gave his daughter in marriage; young John
Charles accomplished that on his own. Together, John Charles and
Jessie comprised a team such as one does not find again in U.S.
history, perhaps until another truly dashing pair — George Arm-
strong Custer and his wife Elizabeth — appear upon the scene. And to
stretch the analogy just a bit, Charles and Anne Morrow Lindbergh
come to mind in more recent times.
Back again to the importance of the period, and the social and
political climate in which Fremont was to operate. It is well known
that his expeditions, especially the first two, often followed the
trails of other wagon trains. It is important, though, to say some
wagon trains, and very early ones at that. We present a note (p.
I73n) which indicates how really early in the migration period his
operations began. Only two emigrant trains had preceded him: the
John Bartleson party to California in 1841, and the Elijah White
party to Oregon in 1842.
xvm
It is almost impossible to overstate the enthusiasm with which the
nation greeted the printed reports of the first two western expedi-
tions. The first publication, which in our edition begins on p. 168,
introduced a new kind of intelligence from the West: readable nar-
rative combined with competent maps, both produced from personal
observation. But it carried the reader only to the Rockies. It was the
second report (p. 426), with its description of the route via Laramie,
Fort Hall, and Walla Walla to the lush Oregon valleys, then on
through the length of California and back across the southwestern
deserts, that made Fremont's reputation secure.
It seemed natural that members of the Congress should wish the
two reports issued as one volume, with a single map of the entire
area covered. The records of Congress contain many a letter or
memorandum (some of which we cite) dealing with delays in pub-
lication, changes in printing orders, urgent requests for copies before
they were finished. There was a dispute in the House over whether
members of the previous Congress, not re-elected, should receive
copies — and the new Congress resolved that they should not. And
there were unconfirmed reports that members of Congress or their
employees were selling copies to the public.
The many editions issued by trade publishers were not long in
coming. By 1846, L. W. Hall in Syracuse had issued a version with
no maps or illustrations. At least two Washington publishers (Tay-
lor, Wilde, & Co., and H. Polkinhorn) published their own editions,
as did H. E. Phinney in Cooperstown, N.Y. Foreign editions in-
cluded those of Wiley & Putnam, London, in 1846, and a German
version in 1847.
The two Washington publishing houses which had been awarded
the contract for the combined report were Gales and Seaton, printers
of the Daily National Intelligencer, and Blair and Rives, publishers
of the Congressional Globe. Both of these publishers, having early
access to the report, hastened to print extracts and reviews. The
Intelligencer, for example, ran a total of twenty-three columns be-
tween 7 and 26 August 1845. On 28 August it followed with three
columns, including an evaluation of the second expedition and some
remarks on the third, which was then in progress.
A laudatory review appeared in the July 1845 issue of the United
States Magazine and Democratic Review, in which Lewis and Clark
were compared unfavorably to Fremont:
XIX
The honorary reward of Brevet Captain has been bestowed upon him.
Lewis and Clark received something more substantial, — double pay,
sixteen hundred acres of land each, promotion to generals, appointment
of governors, commission to treat with Indians, and copy-right in their
Journal. Certainly as first explorers, they were entitled to great merit;
but they lack the science which Capt. Fremont carried into his expedi-
tions; and, returning on the same line by which they went out, their dis-
coveries lack the breadth and variety which distinguish his. His work
was lacking [i.e., needed] to complete the view of the great region from
the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean; and it has come at the exact moment
that it was most wanted, and will be most useful. Great events are pend-
ing of which Oregon is the subject. . . . We assume to say that the publi-
cation of this Report will increase the emigration to Oregon, and will
sharpen the appetite of two great nations [Great Britain and the U.S.]
for the possession of a river whose mouth happens to be the only outlet
to the sea. . . .
The reviewer's allusions to Lewis and Clark could have profited by
a bit more research, but his enthusiasm for Fremont typified the
mood of the country.
Other great events were to follow: the third expedition, resulting
in Fremont's involvement in the conquest of California; his court-
martial, which did little damage to his own public image and gave
California an untold wealth of publicity; and then the unsuccessful
campaign for the presidency.
Perhaps the loss of the election marked the moment when the
bright star began to fade. Perhaps it was the Civil War, during
which he proved to be no military man. Somehow the years sped by,
riches came and went, and at last he was old. It is certain that he died
poor, but less certain that he died entirely bitter — for there were
bright memories to temper the unhappy ones and much achievement
mingled with his many failures. Among his effects at the time of his
death was a scrap of paper bearing a poem he had written near the
end of his life as he was crossing the Continental Divide on a train.
Part of it reads:
Long years ago I wandered here,
In the midsummer of the year.
Life's summer too.
A score of horsemen here we rode.
The mountain-world its glories showed.
All fair to view.
XX
Now changed the scene, and changed the eyes
That here once looked on glowing skies
When summer smiled.
These riven trees and wind-swept plain
Now shew the winter's dread domain —
Its fury wild.
The buoyant hopes and busy life
Have ended all in hateful strife
And baffled aim.
The world's rude contact killed the rose,
No more its shining radiance shows
False roads to fame.
Where still some grand peaks mark the way
Touched by the light of parting day
And memory's sun.
Backward amid the twilight glow
Some lingering spots yet brightly show
On roads hard won.
The verses recalled much, and Jessie saved them. Then she penned
a sentence of her own which summed up the labors of a valiant
traveler and the pride of a devoted wife. "Railroads followed the
lines of his journeyings — a nation followed his maps to their resting
place — and cities have risen on the ashes of his lonely campfires
»'i
PARENTAGE AND EARLY YEARS
When John Charles Fremont was born, 21 January 1813, his
parents already had scandalized their community and moved away
in disgrace. The fact that they never married was to plague Fremont
all his life, but particularly during the presidential race of 1856
^ The poem is in the library of the Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, and
Jessie's quotation is from a draft manuscript, "Great Events during the Life
of Major General John C. Fremont," Bancroft Library, Berkeley. Hereafter,
libraries and other repositories will be referred to by the symbols used in the
National Union Catalog of the Library of Congress (see listing on pp.
xliii-xliv).
xxi
when the word "illegitimate" came frequently to the lips of his
political enemies.
The father was Charles Fremon, a Frenchman from the neigh-
borhood of Lyons, said to have made his way to Virginia from Santo
Domingo. One biographer says he was on his way to join an aunt in
Santo Domingo, about 1800, when he was captured by an English
man-of-war and held prisoner for a few years.^ Exactly when Fre-
mon came to Virginia is not known, but by the spring of 1808 he
seems to have been teaching French in the fashionable academy
operated by L. H. Girardin and David Doyle, near Richmond.
When he was dismissed after a year on the grounds that he was not
a fit person to give instruction to young ladies, he opened a night
school for the French language and tutored in private homes. He
later rejoined Girardin at a new location.^
By this time he had rented a small house from John Pryor and
had soon alienated the affections of Mrs. Pryor, the former Ann
Beverly Whiting, who was a good deal younger than her husband.
One source says the two lovers actually hoped for Pryor's death so
that they might marry. Richmond society was rocked by the scandal
^ BiGELow, 11-12. This 1856 campaign biography was prepared from ma-
terial assembled by Jessie. Some of the problems she encountered, particularly
with regard to JCF's mother, are reflected in letters to Elizabeth Blair Lee,
2 July [1856], and to John Bigelow, 7 July [1856], in the Blair-Lee Papers,
NjP, and Bigelow Collection, NN. Pierre-Georges Roy, a Canadian archivist,
believes that JCF's father was actually Louis-Rene Fremont of Quebec, who
established himself in Virginia. See roy [1] and [2]. It is not clear when the
"t" was added to the name; in early newspaper advertisements the father's
name is "Fremon." In fact, receipts for French and dancing lessons in the
Wayne-Stites Anderson Papers, GHi, are signed "Jean Charles Fremon"
though Charles Fremon seems to have been the common form. Young Fre-
mont was variously called "J.C.," "J. Charles," or "Charles" in his early years.
He did not begin to use the accented form of "Fremont" until he began his
association with the French scientist Joseph N. Nicollet.
^ In an advertisement in the Richmond Enquirer of 8 March 1808, Girardin
mentions "a well-qualified native of France" as his assistant. Moncure Robin-
son (1802-91), an eminent engineer, claimed that he studied French under
Charles Fremon at the College of William and Mary (osborne). It is more
likely that he studied under Fremon at Girardin's academy, which he at-
tended— as did also Thomas Jefferson's grandson, T. Jefferson Randolph. For
Fremon's dismissal, see letter of David Doyle to L. H. Girardin in the Vir-
ginia Patriot, 23 Aug. 1811. For Fremon's proprietorship of his own school
and his reaffiliation with Girardin, see advertisements in the Richmond En-
quirer, 24, 27, and 31 Oct. and 10 and 14 Nov. 1809; 12 June, -27 July, and 11
Sept. 1810.
xxii
in July 1811. Girardin and his current partner, John Wood, lost their
academy and feuded publicly over the responsibility for the hiring
of Fremon. Finally Mrs. Pryor left her husband's bed and board
and went with Fremon to Williamsburg, Norfolk, and then Charles-
ton.
In a divorce petition some months later, Pryor charged that his
wife had left the house voluntarily. But Ann wrote her brother-in-
law that she had been "turned out of doors at night and in an ap-
proaching storm" and threatened with "the most cruel and violent
treatment" if she remained in the house. She also wrote that she and
Fremon were poor, "but we can be content with little, for I have
found that happiness consists not in riches." Pryor's intention of
applying to the Virginia legislature for a divorce was widely circu-
lated, and of course Ann hoped that he would succeed. But the
House of Delegates rejected the petition 13 December 1811 without
giving a reason.'*
By the fall of 1811, the Fremons, as we shall now call the pair
although apparently they were never able to marry, were in Savan-
nah, Ga. During the next year Charles tried a number of ways to
make ends meet: he gave French lessons, worked in a dancing
academy, took in boarders, opened his own dancing school, gave
cotillion parties, and opened a livery stable at his residence.
So it was that John Charles Fremont was born into a nomadic
^ John Pryor was a veteran officer of the Revolution who kept livery stables
in Richmond and gave the city its first amusement resort, Haymarket Gar-
dens. In 1811, he was "far advanced in years," according to his divorce
petition, and bigelow, 20, says he was sixty-two when he married seventeen-
year-old Ann Whiting in 1796. But he was vigorous enough to take the field
against the British in 1813, and did not die until 1823 (Richmond Enquirer,
9 Feb. 1813, and p. c. clark). Ann Beverly Whiting was the daughter of
the wealthy Thomas Whiting, a burgess for Gloucester in 1775-76, and
Elizabeth Sewell. She was born shortly before the death of her father, whose
will was dated 15 Oct. 1780. In 1796, with her "full consent" and that of her
stepfather and guardian, Maj. Samuel Carey, she was married to Pryor. See
BIGELOW, 13-20, and Pryor's manuscript petition for divorce of 1 Dec. 1811,
Vi. For further details of the elopement and attempted divorce, see letter of
John Wood to the public, Virginia Patriot, 26 July 1811; letter of David
Doyle to Girardin, Patriot, 23 Aug. 1811; advertisements by Wood and
Girardin regarding their separation, Richmond Enquirer, 12 and 16 July
1811. No surviving copy has been found of a twenty-eight-page pamphlet pub-
lished by Girardin, "pregnant with calumny and slander" according to Wood.
Ann's letter to John Lowry, 28 Aug. 1811, was abstracted by Pryor in support
of his divorce petition. For the negative decision on the divorce, see Journal
of the Virginia House of Delegates, 181 1-12.
xxiii
family of unstable finances on 21 January 1813. His nurse was Han-
nah, a family slave who had apparently been recovered after run-
ning away the previous year. We know little about the next few
years in the life of the family. They left Savannah, and a daughter,
who died in infancy, was born in Nashville in 1814. From there the
Fremons apparently wandered to Norfolk, where a second daugh-
ter and a second son were born in 1815 and 1817. After Charles
Fremon died in 1818, his widow and her small children stayed for
a time in Virginia, and John Charles received his first schooling
there. They were in Charleston by 1823, and in 1826 young John
Charles had entered the law office of John W. Mitchell. Gone now
was the family hope that he would become an Episcopal minister,
though in June 1827 he was confirmed in St. Paul's Church by
Bishop Bowen for St. Philip's congregation.^
The earliest Fremont document which has come to our attention
derives from his service with attorney Mitchell. It is a subpoena
issued by Mitchell to several persons and given to sixteen-year-old
John Charles to serve. An endorsement on the reverse side reads:
J. C. Fremont being duly sworn deponeth that he served on the
within named witnesses personally this writ & gave them tickets —
except the witness Alphy Berney whom he could not find.
Sworn to before me 14 July 1828 J. Charles Fremont
J. W. Mitchell"
^ For sparse information about the Fremons during this period, see ad-
vertisements in the Columbian Museum & Savannah Advertiser, 3 Oct. 1811,
and in the Republican and Savannah Evening Ledger, 7 Dec, 1811; 2 Jan.
and 31 Oct. 1812; 13 Feb. 1813. The assumption that the Fremons never
married is based on the fact that Pryor did not die until 1823, five years
after Fremon's death. There is no record that Pryor ever received his divorce.
The MEMOIRS and bigelow do not mention the birth of a child named Ann in
Nashville, but see roy [1]. bigelow indicates that the youngest daughter (and
for him the only daughter) was born in Nashville. He does not name her or
the younger son. roy gives their names as Elizabeth and Thomas-Archibald,
but JCF's letter to his mother on 8 June 1838 (our Doc. No. 3) refers to
"Frank," presumably his brother.
A chronology of JCF's life in the New York Times, 21 July 1856, puts him
in school in Virginia in 1820, in school in Charleston in 1823, and in Mitch-
ell's law office in 1826. His confirmation in St. Paul's is substantiated by rec-
ords inspected for us 6 Oct. 1966 by Sam T. Cobb, rector of St. Philip's.
^ Subpoena of 10 July 1828, in Mitchell's hand, with JCF's signature on the
endorsement, lU.
XXIV
Mitchell apparently concluded that the pulpit, rather than the
bar, might be the better profession for John Charles after all, and
took him to the school of J. Roberton, who prepared boys for the
College of Charleston. It is from Roberton that we have our first
description of the youth. If the memory of an elderly scholar some
twenty-three years later can be relied upon, he was a boy of medium
size, "graceful in manners, rather slender, but well formed, and
upon the whole, what I would call handsome; of a keen, piercing
eye, and a noble forehead seemingly the very seat of genius." To
Roberton's astonishment, Fremont within a year had read Caesar,
Nepos, Sallust, six books of Virgil, nearly all of Horace, two books of
Livy, Graeca Minora, part of Graeca Majora, and four books of
Homer's Iliad. He also made much progress in mathematics."^
Fremont, who seems to have continued working in Mitchell's law
office while reading the classics and doing his calculations, entered
the junior class in the College of Charleston in May 1829. The col-
lege records for 1830 list him as Charles or C. J. Fremont in the
Scientific Department. The records also show that he was away dur-
ing the first three months of 1830, "teaching in the country by
permission." He resumed his studies in April, but as the year ad-
vanced his absences became frequent as he spent more and more
time with a Creole family who had a beguiling, black-eyed daughter
named Cecilia. He had fallen deeply in love, and though the college
faculty was patient because of his recent good scholarship and his
abundant promise, he was finally dismissed 5 February 1831 for
"incorrigible negligence." He missed graduation by three months.
But about five years later he applied to the trustees for a B.A. degree
and his request was granted.^
That his career seemed in jeopardy was of little concern; he
treated the period of freedom from studies as a holiday: "The days
■^ROBERTON, 3-5. He does not mention JCF by name but the identity of
the student is almost certain; Roberton is quoted in bigelow, the memoirs,
and in an item on JCF in the New York Times, 27 June 1856. The Benton
Papers, MoSHi, contain two letters from Jessie to Roberton, one of which
expresses the hope that he will repeat his visits to the Fremonts and another
assuring him and "his inquiring friend" that JCF was born and reared in the
Protestant Episcopal Church.
^ For JCF's college record, see the journal of the College of Charleston,
weekly record, Jan. 1830-Feb. 1831, and for his receipt of the B.A. degree,
the journal of the proceedings of the trustees, 19 March 1838, p. 263. One of
the trustees of the college when JCF received his belated degree was his
friend Joel Poinsett (easterby, 261).
XXV
went by on wings. In the summer we [Fremont and the two boys
in the Creole family] ranged about in the woods, or on the now
historic islands, gunning or picnicking, the girls dangerously near
the breakers on the bar. I remember as in a picture, seeing the
beads of perspiration on the forehead of my friend Henry as he
tugged frantically at his oar when we had found ourselves one
day in the suck of Drunken Dick, a huge breaker that to our eyes
appeared monstrous as he threw his spray close to the boat. For us
it was really pull Dick pull Devil."
Evenings were also spent with Cecilia and her brothers, though
occasionally he absented himself to study a work on astronomy or to
read a chronicle of men "who had made themselves famous by
brave and noble deeds, or infamous by cruel and base acts."^
The family's poverty would not permit Fremont too long a holi-
day. He obtained positions as a teacher of mathematics in various
schools (including John A. Wooten's private school), and also took
charge of an "Apprentices' Library," a collection of books with some
added instructional facilities, and labored as a private surveyor.^"
The death of his sister Elizabeth in 1832, and the departure of his
brother to try a career on the stage, awoke John Charles to sterner
realities and ended this desultory phase of his life.
He now began to come into association with a number of dis-
tinguished men. The first to exert an influence upon his career was
Joel Poinsett (1799-1851), whose home was on the outskirts of
Charleston. Poinsett had been minister to Mexico, and now during
Fremont's teaching days was a principal leader of the Union men of
South Carolina in the nullification controversy of 1830-32. From
him, and from Thomas Hart Benton later, Fremont imbibed the
Unionist views, as opposed to sectional interests, which remained
with him all his life. It was certainly through Poinsett's influence,
but not with his approval, that he obtained a civilian post as teacher
of mathematics to the midshipmen on board the U.S.S. Natchez,
which had been sent to Charleston to uphold the power of the fed-
eral government to collect the tariffs declared null and void by the
state of South Carolina. When compromise averted a possible out-
break of war between the state and federal governments in April
1833, the Natchez returned to Hampton Roads. The next month,
^ The period spent by JCF with the Creole family is discussed in memoirs,
20-21.
^'^ NEViNs, 17; BENTON [2]; Ncw York Times, 21 July 1856.
xxvi
under the command of Capt. John P. Zantzinger, she sailed with
Fremont abroad for a two-year cruise in South American waters."
Fremont, who drew $25.00 a month plus rations, maintained that
the cruise had no future bearing on his career, though he "saw more
of the principal cities and people than a traveller usually does." The
routine of the ship, on which David G. Farragut was one of the
lieutenants, was broken by a couple of duels while the vessel was
anchored off Rio de Janeiro. In the first, one of the principals was
killed; in the other, Fremont and Decatur Hurst, the seconds, put
only powder in the pistols and then rowed the duelists across the
bay. Finding "a narrow strip of sandy beach about forty yards long
between the water and the mountain," they positioned their men
and gave the word to fire. Of course the men remained upright and
Fremont and Hurst were able to carry them "triumphantly back to
the ship, nobody hurt and nobody wiser."^"
In 1835, Congress provided for several professorships of mathe-
matics in the Navy at $1,200 a year. Fremont received such an ap-
pointment on 13 June 1835, with pay retroactive to 3 March. When
the Natchez docked at New York, he went home to Charleston and
wrote the following letter to Secretary of Navy Mahlon Dickerson:
It will not perhaps be unknown to you that, when the U.S. Ship Natchez
arrived at New York, I was attached to her as Professor of Mathematics.
Immediately after information of the passage of the "Navy Bill" had been
received on the Brazilian Station, I received from Commodore James
Renshaw — to whose ship the Natchez, I had been attached as School-
master from the commencement of her cruise — an appointment as "Pro-
fessor of Mathematics in the Navy of the United States," bearing date
June 13th 1835. Desirous of being again ordered to sea, I am somewhat
at a loss to know if you will deem the above circumstances sufficient for
that purpose, or whether references, with testimonials of character and
qualifications, will be thought previously requisite. Should such be the
case, I shall be happy to forward them to the Department, immediately
on receiving a notification to that effect. I should, however, suppose that
the fact of having been appointed to my station by Commodore Renshaw
11 DNA-45, muster roll of the U.S.S. Natchez, 1833-35, p. 68.
12 See MEMOIRS, 23. JCF says that Decatur Hurst was a nephew of Com-
modore Stephen Decatur and later died from wounds sustained in a duel
in Africa, callahan lists a William D. Hurst but not a Decatur Hurst. The
duelists were Robert P. Lovell, Poinsett's nephew, and Enoch G. Parrott
(1815-79), senior officer during much of the blockade of Charleston in the
Civil War.
XXVll
will be deemed sufficient, and it may not be disadvantageous to me to
state that I received from him, when the Natchez was on the eve of
departure, an offer of being ordered to another ship of the squadron. It
being to you, Sir, a matter of indifference to what ship I am ordered, it
will not, I imagine, be considered out of rule respectfully to request that
in the event of being successful in my application, I may be attached to
the frigate United States, which vessel I understand will be shortly sent
to the Mediterranean. My situation not permitting me long to remain
unemployed, permit me to say, that, should it entirely suit your con-
venience, I would be much gratified to be favored with an early answer
to this communication.^^
Dickerson acknowledged Fremont's request for an appointment,
saying that "When the public interest shall require the services of a
Professor of Mathematics, it will give me pleasure to recur to your
application." Impatiently, Fremont wrote again on 16 January 1836,
sending Dickerson several enclosures including a testimonial from
Captain Zantzinger. Again Dickerson acknowledged the letter with-
out offering much hope. But in April he authorized Fremont to take
the examination for professor of mathematics, and sent him to
Baltimore for that purpose. He passed an examination conducted by
Professors Edward C. Ward and P. I. Rodriquez, who reported:
"Mr. J. C. Freemont was found qualified, & we take great pleasure in
stating that he is a gentleman whose talents will be very beneficial to
the Midshipmen of the navy."^"*
That was in June. By October there still had been no assignment,
and again Fremont wrote to Dickerson :
Having been informed that several vessels are on the eve of sailing
from the harbors of Norfolk & New York I have thought the present a
fit opportunity respectfully to request that I may be appointed to one of
them. Should it suit your convenience to send me an appointment I
should be much gratified to find it for the Mediterranean— a wish which
I am only induced to express because I understand no selections have as
yet been made. A communication, with which I had the honor to be
favoured from yourself immediately subsequent to having passed an
examination at Bake, informs me that I shall be sent to sea as soon as my
services may be required. I should in consequence not have applied at
13 JCF to Dickerson, 31 Oct. 1835 (MeHi— Fogg Collection).
14 Dickerson to JCF, 23 April 1836, DNA-45, Gen. Lbk, 22:252; memo-
randum of the report of Ward and Rodriquez on the examination of profes-
sors of mathematics, 3 June 1836, DNA-45, Gen. Lbk, 22:331; memoirs, 23.
XXVlll
present but that I am led to believe such applications customary at the
times when ships are being fitted out for sea.^^
Dickerson annotated the letter by instructing his clerk: "Inform
him that a Professor of Mathematics is already detailed for the
North Carolina but it may be in my power in a short time to assign
you duty in a Cruising Vessel." He struck out the words "probably in
a Ship destined to cruise on the Coast of Brazil."
Not until 4 April 1837 did Dickerson write Fremont the long-
awaited orders to duty. "You will proceed to Boston and report to
Com. [John] Downes for duty as Professor of Mathematics on board
the U.S.S. Independence." But a year and a half of waiting had been
too much, and the necessity of earning a living had already forced
Fremont to seek other opportunities. He declined the appointment.^
We have been able to trace in sketchy fashion Fremont's brief
naval career. More hazy, however, is his service as a surveyor for
Captain William G. Williams of the U.S. Corps of Topographical
Engineers, who had been ordered to assist William G. McNeill in a
survey of a route for the projected Charleston, Louisville, and Cincin-
nati Railroad. This road would have done much to link the states
of the West and Northwest with those of the South. Leading
spirits in the enterprise were Fremont's benefactor Poinsett and Rob-
ert Young Hayne, a prominent South Carolina politician who later
became president of the railroad company.
Fremont found the work congenial : "We were engaged in running
experimental lines, and the plotting of the field notes sometimes
kept us up until midnight. Our quarters were sometimes at a village
inn and more frequently at some farmer's house, where milk and
honey and many good things were welcome to an appetite sharp-
ened by all day labor on foot and a tramp of several miles backward
and forward, morning ^and evening. . . . The summer weather in
the mountains was fine, the cool water abundant, and the streams
lined with azaleas. . . . The survey was a kind of picnic with work
enough to give it zest, and we were all sorry when it was over
J»17
i'^ JCF to Dickerson, 19 Oct. 1836, DNA-45, Misc. LR, No. 69.
i« Dickerson to JCF, 4 April 1837, DNA-45, Letters to Officers, Ships of
War, 24:33.
lUiEMoiRs, 23-24. See also J. J. Abert to W. G. Williams, 17 March 1836,
DNA-77, LS, 2:63; and the joint report of the chief and associate engineers of
the Charleston, Louisville, and Cincinnati Railroad, 7 Oct. 1837, Senate Doc.
158, 25th Cong., 2nd sess., U.S. Serial 316.
xxix
After the work on the railroad survey was suspended, Fremont
again was employed with Captain Williams as his assistant engi-
neer in the survey of the territory occupied by the Cherokee Indians.
The land lay mainly in Georgia, though some cut across into North
Carolina and Tennessee. Because the Cherokees were bitterly op-
posed to the federal government's policy of transferring the major
tribes to the area west of the Mississippi River, the War Department
felt that a survey would aid military purposes if war broke out, or
facilitate the distribution of land among the frontiersmen if it did
not. It was a strenuous survey of forest and mountain country made
hurriedly in mid-winter, but here, Fremont wrote many years later,
"I found the path which I was 'destined to walk.' Through many of
the years to come the occupation of my prime of life was to be
among Indians and in waste places."^^
In December 1837, Fremont applied for a commission in the U.S.
Corps of Topographical Engineers (Captain Williams had already
written a supporting letter). In February 1838, Williams was in-
structed to come to Washington as soon as his survey was completed
and to bring Fremont with him. In March, with the job done, Fre-
mont spent a few days in Charleston and then proceeded to Wash-
ington. His friend Poinsett, now Secretary of War, requested that the
twenty-five-year-old Fremont be assigned as a civilian assistant to
the distinguished French scientist Joseph Nicolas Nicollet, who was
about to embark upon an examination of the northern territory lying
between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers. While he was away on
the first of his two expeditions with Nicollet, Fremont's commission
as a lieutenant in the Topographical Corps was approved.^^
From this point in Fremont's life, the documents tell the story.
^^ MEMOIRS, 50. It is difficult to say just how long ICF worked on the
Cherokee survey in 1837-38, as the documents are few. Some of the field
notebooks in which he kept his raw surveying data are in DNA-77, and
there is one voucher which may not cover his complete service. Dated 19 April
1838, it lists payment for "Salary as Asst. Engr. in the Cherokee Nation N.C.
&c. for 43 days, viz. from the 6th March to the 18th April 1838 inclusively
at $1200.00 per annum, $141.04." It appears to have been JCF's final payment,
but may not have been the only one. DNA-217, Records of the Third Auditor,
Acct. No. 3649, Voucher No. 158.
^^ The foregoing summary of ICF's early years is not intended as a com-
plete biography. For a more detailed account of this period, see nevins, 1-28.
XXX
THE DOCUMENTS AND THE PROJECT
"It is not a cheerful task, that of going over and destroying old
letters and papers, but it is better than having them get into wrong
hands. ... I will be thankful when I am all through with it for it
is very hard to burn up the letters of those we love."^^ So wrote Fre-
mont's daughter Elizabeth in 1907 as she pillaged what was left of
her parents' literary remains. It is an old story, and a source of an-
guish to the historian. But papers tend to survive all their natural
enemies: not only fire, flood, and mildew but the busy destructive-
ness of descendants. And so public a figure as Fremont must of
necessity lodge a great many documents in relatively safe places.
Of the mauscript materials available to the student of Fremont
and his times, most are in the National Archives and the Library of
Congress. Of the several smaller collections elsewhere, a few were
placed in the public trust by members of the family. There are, as
far as we can discern, no papers of John Charles or Jessie Benton
Fremont still in family hands, but there are many in private collec-
tions. All these sources — the public repositories and private holdings
— have been searched as thoroughly as possible for what is substan-
tial and informative. A man with as many business, political, and
military interests as Fremont could not avoid producing much trivia.
No sensible editor would undertake a complete edition of Fremont
papers. He would seize most gratefully upon every shred which
bears upon the expeditions of 1838-54, for such documents are not
plentiful. For other activities of Fremont, however, he would find it
necessary to be selective — even in regard to such vital events as the
Bear Flag Revolt.
In this series we combine unpublished manuscript materials with
Fremont's published reports and selections from his Memoirs. The
previously published works have never been thoroughly annotated,
and the hitherto unpublished letters and documents provide much
new material for such annotation.
The published documents upon which Fremont's reputation came
to rest in his own lifetime are here listed chronologically. Joseph N.
Nicollet's map, but not the Report, is included, and both are dis-
-° Elizabeth Benton Fremont to Sarah McDowell Preston, 6 Aug. 1907
(KyU — Preston Family Papers).
XXXI
cussed elsewhere as a factor in Fremont's development as an explorer
and scientific observer.
1. Northern Boundary of Missouri, H.R. Doc. 38, 27th Cong., 3rd
sess., U.S. Serial 420. A report of Fremont's explorations of the Des
Moines River, as high as the Raccoon Fork, in 1841. The manuscript
version is used as a text in the present volume.
2. A Report on an Exploration of the Country Lying between the
Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains on the Line of the Kansas
and Great Platte Rivers, Sen. Doc. 243, 27th Cong., 3rd sess., U.S.
Serial 416.
3. Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in
the Year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the Years
1843-44, Sen. Exec. Doc. 174, 28th Cong., 2nd sess., U.S. Serial 461.
4. Message of the President of the United States Communicating
the Proceedings of the Court Martial in the Trial of Lieutenant
Colonel Fremont, Sen. Exec. Doc. 33, 30th Cong., 1st sess., U.S.
Serial 507.
5. Geographical Memoir upon Upper California, in Illustration of
His Map of Oregon and California, Sen. Misc. Doc. 148, 30th Cong.,
1st sess., U.S. Serial 511.
6. Memoirs of My Life, vol. 1 (no others issued), Chicago and
New York, 1887. Originally published in ten parts in paper wrap-
pers.
Unfortunately the Memoirs carry the story of Fremont's life only
to 1847 — through the conquest of California and his appointment
by Robert F. Stockton as governor of that territory. "I close the
page," he wrote, "because my path of life led out from among the
grand and lovely features of nature, and its pure and wholesome air,
into the poisoned atmosphere and jarring circumstances of conflict
among men, made subtle and malignant by clashing interests." The
principal events of his remaining forty-three years of life his wife
tried to chronicle, often with a view also to justifying his sometimes
controversial decisions and behavior, in "Great Events during the
Life of Major General John C. Fremont." Intended as a sequel to the
Memoirs, the manuscript was never published.
Although the publication of the Memoirs, which draws at times
verbatim on the official Reports of his first two expeditions, was un-
doubtedly prompted by economic necessity, a book recounting his
daring and colorful achievements had long been envisioned. Theo-
dore Talbot, about to set out in 1845 on the third expedition, wrote
xxxn
to his mother that "Capt. Fremont intends pubHshing his 3 reports,
the two previous and the coming one, in one large and handsomely
illustrated volume.""^ At one time, too, according to Mrs. Fremont,
her husband and Senator Benton conceived a joint editorship of the
letters written by, to, and about Fremont from 1842 to 1854, but
many of the letters were burned in the fire that destroyed Benton's
home in February 1855.""
Fremont had long been conscious of Baron Alexander von Hum-
boldt's wish for "truth in representing nature," and as early as 1842
had attempted to record his explorations photographically. On both
the first and second expeditions he had carried daguerreotype
cameras, and though he was unable to use them successfully they do
represent the first instances of the employment of a camera on west-
ern expeditions sent out by the government. Edward M, Kern accom-
panied the third expedition as an artist and on the fifth Solomon
Nunes Carvalho, an authority in the whole field of photography
and daguerreotyping, spent hours making "views." Carvalho's plates
survived the storms of the Sierras and the perils of an ocean voyage
and were brought back by Fremont to New York, where Mathew
Brady was engaged to copy them by the wet process so that paper
prints could be made. The paper prints, in turn, were used as copy
by artists and engravers in preparing plates to illustrate Fremont's
proposed book; for he now entered into a contract with George
Childs of Philadelphia to bring out the journals of the various ex-
peditions as a companion book of American travel to the Arctic
journeys of Dr. Elisha Kent Kane, then being published so profitably
by the same house. The campaign of 1856 interrupted the work.^^
Soon after the election, work on the proposed book was begun
again, and Jessie wrote Ehzabeth Blair Lee: "Say to your Father that
the election looks ages back now that we are so interested in the
book and if he could see the beautiful pictures that are growing un-
der Mr. [James] Hamilton's brush he would like us turn his back
on the 'busy world' & fly to the mountains on canvas." In April she
wrote Mrs. Lee, "The book grows finely — not the text yet but the il-
lustrations and all the preparatory work." And in May, Mrs. Blair re-
21 Theodore Talbot to Adelaide Talbot fSt. Louis], 30 May 1845 (DLC—
Talbot Papers).
22 Jessie B. Fremont to R. [U.?] Johnson, Los Angeles, 28 Aug. 1890
(James S. Copley Collection, La Jolla, Calif.).
23
MEMOIRS, XVI.
XXXlll
ceived the following note: "We are at work on the book which is
our baby and pet — the summer plans are not fairly fixed as yet, we
keep this house by the month for the convenience of having the
artists work under Mr. Fremont's supervision. They have Lizzie's
former bedroom & have made a grand collection of oily rags and
bad smelling bottles and paints but the results are beautiful. Frank &
Mr. Fremont grow young together over imaginary buffalo hunts
located in certain valleys which look out upon them like nature
from the canvas."
On the same day in May she wrote Lizzie Lee, "All the astro-
nomical & tedious part of the work is now finished as far as Mr. Fre-
mont goes into it." A bit later she wrote, "Jacob [presumably Jacob
Dodson, the Negro who had been JCF's servant on the 1845 expedi-
tion] came on with me & I have had my pen in hand as much as
five hours & a half at a time — We finish with him today — that much
work is done."^^
But the writing was interrupted by Fremont's going to Califor-
nia and Jessie to Europe. After the return of both in the late fall of
1857, another attempt was made at writing, but soon all the Fre-
monts were packing for California and the Mariposa. And while
Jessie hoped "that Mr. Fremont will write as well as direct his work
there," the book was not finished, the contract was canceled, and
George Childs had to be reimbursed for all the expenditures he had
made. The Civil War and the business schemes following it gave no
leisure for writing.
25
^^ See letters of Jessie B. Fremont to Elizabeth Blair Lee, Thursday night
[1857?], 7 April 1857, 4 May [1857?], 2 [June?] 1857, and to Mrs. Blair,
4 May 1857, all in NjP— Blair-Lee Papers.
25 Jessie B. Fremont to Elizabeth Blair Lee, 15 Dec. [1857?]. JCF gave
George Childs notes as a guaranty that he would be paid for the expenditures
on the book, and on 9 Feb. 1864 Childs sought the aid of Maj. Simon Ste-
vens to obtain an early settlement of the notes. Childs wrote, "I hope you are
arranging the Fremont matter so that I can surely get the balance next week.
Impress upon the General that it is of vital importance for me to have the
amount this month" (PPAmP). Childs eventually sold the notes to Drexels
(see George W. Childs to [Simon Stevens], Philadelphia, 20 Jan. 1865, NHi).
So common was the knowledge that Fremont was preparing a book that
Gouverneur Warren, in his Memoir to Accompany the Map of the Territory
of the United States from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at p. 50
noted: "In press [1859] Colonel J. C. Fremont's Explorations, prepared by
the author, and embracing all his expeditions. — Childs & Peterson, publishers.
No. 602 Arch Street, Philadelphia."
xxxiv
Jessie Benton Fremont, from the portrait by T. Buchanan Read
Courtesy of the Southwest Museum
XXXV
When the Fremonts left for Arizona in 1878, the boxes containing
materials for the books were placed in safes below the pavement at
Morrell's and were thus saved when fire destroyed that warehouse
and the many other Fremont treasures stored in it. In 1886, perhaps
inspired by the success of General Grant's Personal Memoirs, work
was resumed. The Fremonts took a house in Washington so that
Mrs. Fremont could use the facilities of the Library of Congress, and
her daughter Lily typed copy. Fire at the publishers, Belford and
Clark and Co., once more threatened the book, but the plates were
not destroyed and publication was delayed only a few weeks. Com-
mercially the work was a disappointment, but after Fremont's death,
Jessie — with the aid of her son Frank — continued what she hoped
would constitute the second volume of the Memoirs. She wrote Mrs.
George Browne, "I have such fine offers, which will complete the
General's work, make money for Lil and give me a living object."^^
Such is the long history of the making of the Memoirs.
In many ways, an edition of Fremont's papers is not a documenta-
tion of the man, but rather of the events in vvhich he participated.
Occasionally we draw from the journals and letters of other partici-
pants in these events. The disastrous fourth expedition of 1848, for
example, could not be thoroughly presented in any other fashion.
And the letters of Jessie Benton Fremont are often more important
than those of her husband in illuminating the Fremont legend. In-
deed it may be said that because so many of Fremont's letters were
composed and set to paper by Jessie, the documentary history of
these two persons is but a single subject of study.
ON THE ANNOTATION OF BOTANICAL MATTERS
The historical editor is taxed to make a meaningful contribution
to the botanical aspects of an expedition. He cannot tell the sys-
tematic botanist anything — indeed, must turn to him for counsel —
and can give little aid to the untrained reader. As a minimum, he
can attempt to give a recent scientific name, and perhaps a com-
monly accepted colloquial name, to the plants enumerated in the
text.
2^ Jessie Benton Fremont to Nell, Los Angeles, 27 Jan. 1891 (CU-B — Fre-
mont Papers).
xxxvi
Even this modest assignment becomes difficult. Taxonomists are
continually producing new combinations, referring plants to new
genera, with the result that many possibilities confront the editor
who is looking for the "correct" modern designation. The task is
made harder by the fact that collectors of an earlier day, and even
the scientists who analyzed their findings, followed no stabilized
pattern. "For want of anything better the men in the field employed
descriptive phrases or had recourse to colloquial names; misapplied
the Latin names of plants with which they were familiar to others
which to them appeared to be the same; employed Latin epithets
(at times misspelled) which subsequently, because of priority or
other rulings, came to be regarded as synonyms" (mc kelvey,
1097).
After bringing our own mediocre botanical knowledge to bear on
JCF's narrative, we turned for expert counsel to Professor Joseph
Ewan, Tulane University, and his able research assistant, Nesta
Dunn Ewan. These two were able to solve many of the problems
that had puzzled us, and our gratitude to them is sincere and sub-
stantial. Because we turned to them while they were researching at
the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, England, far from such resources
as were available for the writing of Professor Ewan's Rocky Moun-
tain Naturalists (Denver, Colo., 1950), and other works on Ameri-
can botany, our request was all the more inconvenient.
When JCF's mention of a plant by common or scientific name is
in virtually modern terminology, we let it stand without augmenta-
tion. When a brief identification, either in brackets or in a note, will
keep the narrative going without undue intrusion, we use that de-
vice. And when a matter requires special comment, a somewhat
longer note is used. Our chief botanical aid, however, is the index.
Here we have placed every significant mention of a plant, by bino-
mial or common name, followed by the accepted modern equivalent.
Thus, when both JCF's narrative and our running annotation fails
the reader, he may try the index.
Vernacular names are given to species when such are available, but
frequently the common name of the genus has necessarily been sub-
stituted. Plants in the montane area, especially, may have no specific
common names, and such generic names as aster, ragwort, and
goldenrod prevail.
xxxvii
EDITORIAL PROCEDURES
The Documents
The original text is followed as closely as the demands of typog-
raphy will permit, with several departures based on common sense
and the current practice of scholars. In the matter of capitalization
the original is followed, unless the writer's intention is not clear, in
which case we resort to modern practice. Occasionally in the inter-
ests of clarity, a long, involved sentence, usually penned or dictated
by a bare literate, is broken into two sentences. Missing periods at
the ends of sentences are supplied, dashes terminating sentences are
supplanted by periods, and superfluous dashes after periods are omit-
ted. In abbreviations, raised letters are brought down and a period
supplied if modern usage calls for one. Words underscored in manu-
scripts are italicized. The complimentary closing is run in with the
preceding paragraph, and a comma is used if no other end punctua-
tion is present. The acute accent mark on the e in Fremont is sup-
plied when it appears in the document and omitted where it does
not appear, but it is used in all of our own headings and references
to Fremont, even in the pre-1838 period. It was probably Fremont's
association with the French scientist, Joseph N. Nicollet, that
brought the accented e to the signature. Procedures for dealing with
missing or illegible words, conjectural readings, etc. are shown in
the list of symbols, pp. xliii-xliv. When in doubt as to how to proceed
in a trivial matter, modern practice is silently followed ; if the question
is more important, the situation is explained in a note.
When a related document or letter is used, that is, not one directly
to or from Fremont, extraneous portions are deleted and the deletion
is indicated by a symbol. If a manuscript contains only a brief refer-
ence to the pertinent subject, we are more likely to quote the passage
in a note to some related letter than to print it as a separate docu-
ment.
Because Jessie B. Fremont wrote and signed so many of her hus-
band's letters, we have felt that there should be some indication of
this to the reader. Our solution to the problem is set forth in the list
of symbols.
The Notes
The first manuscript indicated is the one from which the tran-
scription has been made; other copies, if known, are listed next. If
xxxviii
endorsements or addresses are routine, their presence is merely noted,
but if they contribute useful information, they are quoted in full.
For example, see the endorsement on Fremont's application for a
mountain howitzer for his third expedition, Vol. 1, Doc. No. 130.
Material taken from printed texts is so indicated (printed, larkin,
4:239-41), but no attempt is made to record other printed versions.
Senders, receivers, and persons referred to in the manuscripts are
briefly identified at first mention. For senders and receivers, this
identification is made in the first paragraph of the notes and no ref-
erence number is used. The reader can easily find the identification
of an individual by locating in the index the page on which he is
first mentioned.
No source is cited for the kind of biographical information to be
found in standard directories, genealogies, and similar aids.
Names of authors in small capitals are citations to sources listed
in the bibliography on pp. 807-17. This device enables us to keep
many long titles and other impedimenta out of the notes. In the case
of two or more works by the same author, a number is assigned as
in J. D. Mc DERMOTT [1]. When a published work is being discussed,
not merely cited, we often list it fully by author and title in the
notes.
To avoid the constant repetition of the Fremont names, we have
freely used the initials JCF and JBF for John Charles and Jessie.
xxxix
y^ii^^ ^t.€^^_a^ ^^<»._»-._ >^Scj«-»i
•^ .^^
A letter by Fremont, in his handwriting
xl
2^ ^^^.^ ^^ .il.^^.^^'..-^ ^^^?-
^t^^ ^^ <^!^«<£^Jt^-^ >^l«>*t-^__ .A^>J.-*^ ^^»-»*^^^ *!«-
^^
/y^r^zr~ A-^^^^^ .^^;^^^^-- ^^ ^^^..^^ .^..^^^
A letter by Fremont, in the handwriting of Jessie Benton Fremont
xli
SYMBOLS
Libraries and Archives, as Designated
BY THE National Union Catalog
OF THE Library of Congress
C California State Library, Sacramento
CLSM Southwest Museum, Los Angeles
CSmH Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino
CoU University of Colorado, Boulder
CU-B Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley
DLC Library of Congress
GHi Georgia Historical Society, Savannah
lU University of Illinois, Urbana
KyLoF Filson Club Library, Louisville, Ky.
KyU University of Kentucky, Lexington
MeHi Maine Historical Society, Portland
MnHi Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul
MH-G Harvard University, Gray Herbarium Library, Cambridge,
Mass.
MoSB Missouri Botanical Garden Library, St. Louis
MoSHi Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis
NcU University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
NHi New York Historical Society Library, New York
NjP Princeton University Library, Princeton, N.J.
NN New York Public Library, New York
NNNBG New York Botanical Garden, Bronx Park, New York
PHi Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia
PPAmP American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia
Vi Virginia State Library, Richmond
National Archives Record Groups
DNA-45 Naval Records Collection of the Office of Naval Records
and Library
xliii
DNA-49 Records of the General Land Office
DNA-75 Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs
DNA-77 Records of the Office of the Chief of Engineers
DNA-94 Records of the Adjutant General's Office
DNA-107 Records of the Office of the Secretary of War
DNA-156 Records of the Chief of Ordnance, War Department
DNA-217 Records of the United States General Accounting Office
(T-135 denotes a collection of microfilm documents in this
Record Group.)
Other Symbols and Editorial Aids
AD Autograph document
ADS Autograph document, signed
ADS-JBF Autograph document, Fremont's name signed by Jessie
AL Autograph letter
ALS Autograph letter, signed
ALS-JBF Autograph letter, Fremont's name signed by Jessie
D Document
DS Document, signed
DS-JBF Document, Fremont's name signed by Jessie
JBF Jessie Benton Fremont
JCF John Charles Fremont
Lbk Letterbook copy
LR Letter received
LS Letter sent
RC Receiver's copy
RG Record Group
SO Sender's copy
[ ] Word or phrase supplied or corrected. Editorial remarks
within text are italicized and enclosed in square brackets.
[?] Conjectural reading, or conjectural identification of an ad-
dressee.
[. . .] A word or two missing or illegible. Longer omissions are
specified in footnotes.
< > Word or phrase deleted from manuscript, usually by sender.
The words are set in italics.
.... Unrelated matter deleted by the editor. The symbol stands
alone, centered on a separate line.
xliv
Early Years
and the 1842 Expedition
to South Pass
1. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topogrl Engrs
Washington April 16th 1838.
Sir
I am authorized by the Hon. Secretary of War to inform you that
you will be employed as a Civil Engineer under the law of 30th
April 1824, and that you will be and are hereby assigned as an Assis-
tant to J. N. Nicol[l]et, Esqre.^
Mr. Nicol[l]et is now on his way to St. Louis, Missouri. You will re-
pair to that place without delay and report to him for orders. With
the view of relieving him in his important duties from all unneces-
sary details, you will act as disbursing agent to the expedition, but
you will make only such expenditures as he shall authorize. For this
purpose a requisition for One Thousand dollars will be this day
made in your favour. Additional funds will be supplied on your
estimates and will be sent to such places as you shall indicate.
Enclosed is a copy of the regulations on the subject of accounts,
and you will also receive herewith sets of blank vouchers and forms.
Your compensation will be four dollars per day, to commence
this day, with an additional allowance of ten cents per mile for your
travelling expenses. Respectfully,
J. J. Abert. Lt.Cl. Tl. Eng.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 2:512). John James Abert (1788-1863) had attended
West Point, practiced law, made geodetic and topographic surveys in the
eastern U.S., and was now chief of the Bureau of Topographical Engineers.
Serving on this assignm.ent from 1834 to 1861, he was to oversee most of the
extensive surveys of the West during this period.
1. Joseph Nicolas Nicollet (1786-1843), French astronomer and geographer,
had come to the U.S. from Paris in 1832 for the purpose of "making a scien-
tific tour and with the view of contributing to the progressive increase of
knowledge in the physical geography of North America" (nicollet, 3). He
soon had established a reputation as a highly skilled and original scientist, en-
joying the respect of such men as Ferdinand Rudolph Hassler, director of the
new U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey. By 1835 he had become interested in
making the first accurate survey of the Mississippi River. He traveled widely
— to New Orleans, St. Louis, and other cities of the Mississippi Valley — sur-
veying and establishing stations to aid in the determination of altitudes. In
1836, he visited the headwaters of the Mississippi — the region around Lake
Itasca in Minnesota — and did some preliminary mapping which was to cul-
minate later in his important map, "Hydrographic Basin of the Upper
Mississippi River."
Thus far, he had financed all his own work. Now, through the influence of
Secretary of War Poinsett, the Bureau of Topographical Engineers was to pay
for Nicollet's further expeditions and the preparation of the map. Nicollet
documents in this volume are selected only to show the role of JCF in the
expeditions of 1838 and 1839, and can do little to depict the scope of Nicol-
let's work. His map, but not his historic Report Intended to Illustrate a
Map of the Hydrographical Basin of the Upper Mississippi River, is repro-
duced in this volume. He deserves his own biographer, or an editor who will
annotate the Report and accompanying map as a contribution to the history of
science in the U.S. For a paper summarizing his life and work, see "Joseph
N. Nicollet, Geographer," by Martha Coleman Bray, in j. f. mc dermott [1].
2. Excerpt from the Memoirs
[1838]
The Cherokee survey was over. I remained at home only just long
enough to enjoy the pleasure of the return to it, and to rehabituate
myself to old scenes. While I w^as trying to devise and settle upon
some plan for the future, my unforgetful friend, Mr. Poinsett, had
also been thinking for me. He was now Secretary of War, and, at
his request, I was appointed by President [Martin] Van Buren a
second lieutenant^ in the United States Topographical Corps, and
ordered to Washington. Washington was greatly different then
from the beautiful capital of to-day. Instead of many broad, well-
paved, and leafy avenues, Pennsylvania Avenue about represented
the town. There were not the usual resources of public amusement.
It was a lonesome place for a young man knowing but one person
in the city, and there was no such attractive spot as the Battery by
the sea at Charleston, where a stranger could go and feel the free-
dom of both eye and thought.
Shut in to narrow limits, the mind is driven in upon itself and
loses its elasticity; but the breast expands when, upon some hill-top,
the eye ranges over a broad expanse of country, or in face of the
ocean. We do not value enough the effect of space for the eye; it
reacts on the mind, which unconsciously expands to larger limits
and freer range of thought. So I was low in my mind and lonesome
until I learned, with great relief, that I was to go upon a distant survey
into the West. But that first impression of flattened lonesomeness
which Washington had given me has remained with me to this day.
About this time, a distinguished French savant had returned from
a geographical exploration of the country about the sources of the
Mississippi, the position of which he first established. That region
and its capabilities were then but little known, and the results of his
journey were of so interesting a nature that they had attracted public
notice and comment. Through Mr. Poinsett, Mr. Nicollet was in-
vited to come to Washington, with the object of engaging him to
make a complete examination of the great prairie region between
the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers, as far north as the British line,
and to embody the whole of his labors in a map and general report
for public use.
Mr. Nicollet had left France, intending to spend five years in geo-
graphical researches in this country. His mind had been drawn to
the early discoveries of his countrymen, some of which were being
obliterated and others obscured in the lapse of time. He anticipated
great pleasure in renewing the memory of these journeys, and in
rescuing them all from the obscurity into which they had fallen, A
member of the French Academy of Sciences, he was a distinguished
man in the circles to which Arago and other savants of equal rank
belonged." Not only had he been trained in science, but he was
habitually schooled to the social observances which make daily inter-
course attractive, and become invaluable where hardships are to be
mutually borne and difficulties overcome and hazards met. His
mind was of the higher order. A musician as well as a mathema-
tician, it was harmonious and complete.
The Government now arranged with him to extend his surveys
south and west of the country which he had already explored. Upon
this survey I was ordered to accompany him as his assistant.
It was a great pleasure to me to be assigned to this duty. By this
time I had gone through some world-schoohng and was able to
take a sober view of the realities of life. I had learned to appreciate
fully the rare value of the friendly aid which had opened up for me
such congenial employment, and I resolved that, if it were in me to
do so, I would prove myself worthy of it. The years of healthy exer-
cise which I had spent in open air had hardened my body, and the
work I had been engaged in was kindred to that which I was now
to have. Field work in a strange region, in association with a man so
distinguished, was truly an unexpected good fortune, and I went
off from Washington full of agreeable anticipation.
At St. Louis I joined Mr. Nicollet.^ This was the last large city
on the western border, and the fitting-out place for expeditions over
the uninhabited country. The small towns along the western bank
of the Missouri made for two or three hundred miles a sort of fringe
to the prairies. At St. Louis I met for the first time General Robert
E. Lee, then a captain in the United States Engineer Corps, charged
with improvements of the Mississippi River."* He was already an
interesting man. His agreeable, friendly manner to me as a younger
officer when I was introduced to him, left a more enduring impres-
sion than usually goes with casual introductions.
In St. Louis Mr. Nicollet had a pleasant circle of friends among
the old French residents. They were proud of him as a distinguished
countryman, and were gratified with his employment by the Amer-
ican Government, which in this way recognized his distinction and
capacity. His intention, in the prosecution of his larger work to re-
vive the credit due to early French discoverers, was pleasing to their
national pride.
His acquaintances he made mine, and I had the pleasure and ad-
vantage to share in the amiable intercourse and profuse hospitality
which in those days characterized the society of the place. He was
a Catholic, and his distinction, together with his refined character,
made him always a welcome guest with his clergy. And I may say
in the full sense of the word, that I "assisted" often at the agreeable
suppers in the refectory. The pleasure of these grew in remembrance
afterward, when hard and scanty fare and sometimes starvation and
consequent bodily weakness made visions in the mind, and hunger
made memory dwell upon them by day and dream of them by
night.
Such social evenings followed almost invariably the end of the
day's preparations. These were soon now brought to a close with the
kindly and efficient aid of the Fur Company's^ officers. Their per-
sonal experience made them know exactly what was needed on the
proposed voyage, and both stores and men were selected by them;
the men out of those in their own employ. These were principally
practised voyageurs, accustomed to the experiences and incidental
privations of travel in the Indian country.
The aid given by the house of Chouteau was, to this and succeed-
ing expeditions, an advantage which followed them throughout
their course to their various posts among the Indian tribes.
Our destination now was a trading post on the west bank of the
Mississippi, at the mouth of the St. Peter's, now better known as the
Minisotah River. This was the residence of Mr. Henry Sibley," who
was in charge of the Fur Company's interests in the Mississippi
Valley. He gave us a frontier welcome^ and heartily made his house
our headquarters. This was the point of departure at which the ex-
pedition began its work. It was on the border line of civilization. On
the left or eastern bank of the river were villages and settlements of
the whites, and the right was the Indian country which we were
about to visit. Fort Snelling was on the high bluff point opposite
between the Mini-sotah and the Mississippi. Near by was a Sioux
Indian village, and usually its Indians were about the house grounds.
Among these I saw the most beautiful Indian girl I have ever met,
and it is a tribute to her singular beauty that after so many years I
remember still the name of "Ampetu-washtoy" — "the Beautiful
day."
The house had much the character of a hunting-lodge. There
were many dogs around about, and two large wolfhounds, Lion and
Tiger, had the run of the house and their quarters in it. Mr. Sibley
was living alone, and these fine dogs made him friendly companions,
as he belonged to the men who love dogs and horses. For his other
dogs he had built within the enclosure a lookout about fifteen feet
high. Around its platform the railing was usually bordered with the
heads of dogs resting on their paws and looking wistfully out over
the prairie, probably reconnoitering for wolves. Of the two hounds
Tiger had betrayed a temper of such ferocity, even against his mas-
ter, as eventually cost him his life. Lion, though a brother, had, on
the contrary, a companionable and affectionate disposition and al-
most human intelligence, which in his case brought about a sepa-
ration from his old home.
On the marriage of Mr. Sibley, Lion so far resented the loss of his
first place that he left the house, swam across the Mississippi, and
went to the Fort, where he ended his days. Always he was glad to
meet his master when he came over, keeping close by him and fol-
lowing him to the shore, though all persuasion failed to make him
ever recross the river to the home where he had been supplanted;
but his life-size portrait still hangs over the fireplace of Mr. Sibley's
library. These dogs were of the rare breed of the Irish wolfhound,
and their story came up as an incident in a correspondence, stretch-
ing from Scotland to Mini-sotah, on the question as to whether it
had not become extinct; growing out of my happening to own a
dog inheriting much of that strain.
Cut off from the usual resources, Mr. Sibley had naturally to find
his in the surroundings. The prominent feature of Indian life en-
tered into his, and hunting became rather an occupation than an
amusement. But his hunting was not the tramp of a day to some
neighboring lake for wild fowl, or a ride on the prairie to get a stray
shot at a wolf. These hunting expeditions involved days' journeys to
unfrequented ranges where large game was abundant, or in winter
to the neighborhood of one of his trading-posts, where in event of
rough weather the stormy days could be passed in shelter. He was
fully six feet in height, well and strongly built, and this, together
with his skill as a hunter, gave him a hold on the admiration and
respect of the Indians.
In all this stir of frontier life Mr. Nicollet felt no interest and took
no share; horse and dog were nothing to him. His manner of life
had never brought him into their companionship, and the congenial
work he now had in charge engrossed his attention and excited his
imagination. His mind dwelt continually upon the geography of the
country, the Indian names of lakes and rivers and their signification,
and upon whatever tradition might retain of former travels by early
French explorers.
Some weeks had now been spent in completing that part of the
outfit which had been referred to this place. The intervening time
had been used to rate the chronometers and make necessary observa-
tions of the latitude and longitude of our starting-point.
MEMOIRS, 30-34. For a discussion of the Memoirs and how they came to be
written, see the introduction, pp. xxxii-xxxvi. Since much of that work is a
dupUcation of other JCF publications, such as fremont [2] and fremont [3],
8
the Memoirs will not appear intact in the present series. Only extracts will be
used, as above, where other documents do not provide continuity.
1. Although JCF was first employed as a civilian (see Doc. No. 1), his ap-
pointment as second lieutenant in the Corps of Topographical Engineers came
soon — on 7 July 1838— and his letter of acceptance was written 1 Jan. 1839.
See DNA-94, 5309 ACP 1879 John C. Fremont.
2. Nicollet was not a member of the French Academy of Sciences, and
Dominique Francois Arago (1786-1853) had helped to block his election
(arago, 194). Arago was an astronomer who eventually became secretary of
the academy.
3. In a letter of 17 May 1838, registered in the bureau but not found, JCF
reported his arrival in St. Louis. He was warmly welcomed by Nicollet, who
had been worrying lest he not arrive in time to serve the expedition as dis-
bursing officer. This apprehension had prompted Nicollet to seek the advice
of Capt. Ethan Allen Hitchcock on the keeping of records (Hitchcock to
Nicollet, 15 May 1838, DLC— Nicollet Papers).
4. Superintending the improvement of St. Louis harbor, and of the Missouri
and Upper Mississippi rivers, was the first important independent Army
assignment of Robert E. Lee (1807-70). He was particularly concerned with
such obstructions to navigation as the rapids near the mouth of the Des
Moines, and near Rock Island, 111.
5. Because the Chouteau enterprises will appear frequendy in this and en-
suing volumes, a brief outline of their various forms seems desirable. The
public called it the American Fur Company, though legally speaking the
business was known after 1838 as P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company, sunder
nicely avoids confusion by calling it Chouteau's American Fur Company.
In 1826, an alliance had been formed between John Jacob Astor's great
American Fur Company, and Bernard Pratte and Company, of St. Louis, un-
der which the management of the affairs of the Western Department of the
American Fur Company were placed in Pratte's hands. Upon Astor's retire-
ment in 1834, the Western Department was purchased by the St. Louis house
—which now called itself Pratte, Chouteau and Company. The Northern
Department, retaining the name of the American Fur Company, was sold to
a company of which merchant and fur trader Ramsay Crooks was the princi-
pal partner.
In St. Louis in 1838, Pratte dropped from active participation in the com-
pany, and the name, in becoming P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company, merely
reflected the power and the business and financial acumen of the leading
shareholder, Pierre Chouteau, Jr. (1789-1865). In 1843, Crooks relinquished
the Minnesota trade and Chouteau picked it up. In this manner the company
built a trading area which came to extend over an immense territory, em-
bracing the whole country watered by the Upper Mississippi and Missouri
rivers, as well as the tributaries of the latter (chittenden, 1:322, 364, 366;
SUNDER, 3-17).
6. Henry Hastings Sibley (1811-91) was associated with Ramsay Crooks
in the Northern Department of the American Fur Company, and would later
become a partner with Chouteau. He was to have a long and notable career
in business and politics, becoming Minnesota's first territorial delegate and
state governor (sibley [2] and jorstad).
7. Indian agent Lawrence Taliaferro noted in his journal that the steamer
Burlington arrived at Fort Snelling 25 May 1838 with the Nicollet party
(MnHi).
3. Fremont to Mrs. Ann B. Hale
St. Peters upper Mississip
June 6th '38
We shall leave this place, Dear Mother, on Saturday morning, on
an expedition up the river St. Peters & shall not return here under 3
months. During that period you will receive no news from me as
there is no post communication whatever, after leaving this place.
You must however answer this and write also from time to time as
there is a possibility of our returning sooner & at all events I shall be
glad to find letters here when we do return. I have requested the
Post Master of St. Louis to forward to Charleston any letters wh.
may reach his office to my address. I do this in order that you may
receive Capt. [William G.] Williams letter of information relative to
the deposit [in] the Bank of the Metropolis at Washington. I shall
write to him (the Captain) to-day a request that he will [. . .] the
advice to my address in Charleston so that you will be sure to receive
the necessary information. Enclosed I send you my signature to a
blank & I suppose you will take Mr. McCrady's^ advice respecting the
manner of obtaining the deposit. I had a letter recently from the
gentleman who is to deposit with Capt. Williams the amt. of $60.00.
The other amt. of $146.14, I presume the Capt. has already depos-
ited. Write particularly to me on this subject. In writing to me the
best plan will be to put simply my name on the letter without direc-
tion & enclose it or them in an envelope to Mr. Poinsett with a re-
quest that he will forward them. Get Mr. McCrady to do this for
you. This method was recommended to Mr. Nicollet by the Depart-
ment as the proper method for letters to reach us. I like Mr. Nicollet
very much though he is inclined to spare neither himself nor us as
regards labor, he yet takes every means to make us comfortable. He
is a real Frenchman in this & you know exacdy what they are.
He has provided a nice little store of Coffee, Chocolate, Tea, pre-
pared Soup &c in addition to the more substantial articles of food.
He has got a store of medicine too & makes me take some pills occa-
sionally. As far as regards Science I am improving under him daily
& my health under the influence of this delicious climate has become
excellent. In addition to myself Mr. N. has with him on his own ac-
count a young gentleman of N.Y. whose name is Flandin & a Ger-
man Botanist, a Mr. Geyer,^ both very amiable & agreeable. We
10
journey up this river in a large boat manned with 9 men. As soon as
we reach the point at which we leave the river, we put ourselves,
provisions, instruments, tents &c into wagons & with our company
of 13 in all, take to the prairies. I anticipate an interesting & delight-
ful expedition. In the mean time I trust you are enjoying good
health & will make yourself happy until we meet again. Is Frank^
with you ? If he is make him & his wife both put something in your
letter to me. I wd. like them to write separate letters, but I don't like
to send too large a package to Mr. P. Give my love to all our friends
but particularly to Lane. Tell her if [she] sees or communicates
with Mr. Poinsett to tell him not to forget to put me in the Topi.
Corps. I must stop now & leave room for blanks.
Yr. Affectionate Son — Ch.
Copy, reproduced from a typescript in MnHi; original not available. En-
dorsed, "Fort Snelling June 9 [?]"; addressed, "Mrs. Ann B. Hale Care of
Edwd. McCrady Esqr. Charleston S. Carolina." JCF's mother had remarried,
but no information concerning her third husband or the date of the marriage
has come to hand. In 1844, Jessie Benton Fremont refers to her as a widow-
all alone except for her son. Certainly no husband was present at her burial
on 20 Sept. 1847, and JCF took the body to Charleston for interment. See
St. Thaddeus' Church [Aiken, S.C], church record book for 1847, p. 379,
and the diary or journal of the Rev. John Hamilton Cornish, Southern His-
torical Collection, NcU.
1. Though Edward McCrady (1802-92) was some eleven years older than
the explorer, JCF claimed him as a friend and named a stream in California
and Oregon after him (memoirs, 483). McCrady was appointed U.S. district
attorney for the Charleston area in 1839, at the request of Joel R. Poinsett. In
1856, politics and the publication of an old private letter brought a rift in the
friendship (see Jessie's manuscript, "Great Events during the Life of Major
General John C. Fremont," CU-B).
2. J. Eugene Flandin was a youth of nineteen, the son of New York mer-
chant Pierre Flandin. After serving with Nicollet on this expedition he re-
turned to New York to visit his family with the idea of going out again with
Nicollet in 1839, but he only went as far as St. Louis (see Doc. No. 20).
However, his association with Fremont lasted for several years; the New York
Times, 19 Feb. 1852, reported that he had engineered the sale of JCF's Mari-
posa estate to Thomas Denny Sargent for a million dollars. Charles A. Geyer
(1809-53) had come from Dresden in 1834 to explore the plant life of North
America. He had met Nicollet at St. Louis after an expedition up the Mis-
souri, and was asked to accompany him on both the 1838 and 1839 ventures.
Although he lost his principal collection of plants, Nicollet's Report does con-
tain Geyer's list of plants as edited by botanist John Torrey. See also nute,
DRURY [1], and MC KELVEY.
3. Frank is JCF's younger brother. He left home at fifteen to pursue a
career on the stage, but several years later an injury received during a riot
in Buffalo, N.Y., forced him to return to his mother in Charleston. He died
II
in 1840 or 1841, before the birth of his daughter Nina, who became JCF's
ward (bigelow, 29; memoirs, 56; e. b. fremont, 62, 106, 182). The girl
named Lane, mentioned a few lines later, is unidentified.
4. Fremont to Joel R. Poinsett
St. Peters, Upper Mississippi
8 June 1838
Dear Sir
Our preparations are at last entirely completed & tomorrow we
follow the steps of the Pilgrim of Science into the Prairie Wilder-
ness. I can scarcely tell you how delighted I am in having been
placed under him in this Expedition. Every day — almost every hour
I feel myself sensibly advancing in professional knowledge & the
confused ideas of Science & Philosophy wh my mind has been oc-
cupied are momently arranging themselves into order & clearness.
I admire Mr. Nicollet very much, not only for his extraordinary &
highly cultivated capacity, but for his delightful manner — his deli-
cacy & his almost extravagant enthusiasm in the object of his present
enterprise wh he seems to think the sole object of his existence. The
unsetded & excited state of the Indians has been the cause of great
difficulty in procuring men: even old voyageurs & hunters being at
this time afraid to venture among them. Mr. Nicollet's good man-
agement however & his intimate acquaintance with the character of
the people have overcome all difficulties & I have found new occasion
to admire him for the rigid economy at which these arrangements
have been made. Every instant of our time has however been occupied
in astronomical & Geological observations — so closely indeed that we
have scarcely been able to avail ourselves of the kind hospitality &
attentions of the Garrison at Fort Snelling & at this moment I write
in the haste of a stolen interval. Mr. Nicollet I am aware has made
you acquainted with all details connected with the expedition & I can
add, I presume, nothing to what Mr. Taliaferro^ & others have com-
municated to you relative to the Indians. Our party, tho' small, is
well armed, at least sufficiently so to secure us in the event of an ac-
cidental rencontre & Mr. Nicollet's knowledge of the Indians justi-
fies us in believing that we shall meet with no serious difficulty.
Everything wh could facilitate our business & all manner of kind-
12
nesses have been offered to us by Mr. H.H. Sibley, one of the Part-
ners of the American N.W. Fur Comp., residing at this place." We
are living with him & shall probably do so whenever we chance to
be at this place in the intervals of our excursions. He has been
obliged to withdraw several of his posts on account of the bad con-
duct of the Indians. At Lake Travers, one of the Posts withdrawn,
one of his clerks has been killed, another wounded & numbers of
horses & cattle destroyed.
I hope that your health has been by this time thoroughly restored.
In company wh Capt. Williams I called on you when at Washing-
ton, but you had not yet sufficiently recovered to receive visits, which
I extremely regretted. I was anxious among other things to tell you
of the extreme solicitude wh your illness had excited throughout the
South— it must have been extremely gratifying to you. I certainly
think that this delightful [. . .] be extremely beneficial to you. Will
you have the kindness to present my regards to Mrs. Poinsett? I
shall find something in this country to add to her collection & I will
certainly allow myself the pleasure of bringing them to her on my
return. I am, most Respectfully, Dear Sir, yr obt Servt.
C. Fremont
ALS, RC (PHi— Poinsett Papers). Addressed from "Fort Snelling June 19"
to "Hon. Joel R. Poinsett. Secretary of War. Washington City D.C."
1. Lawrence Taliaferro (1794-1871), the Indian agent at St. Peters (Fort
Snelling), spent many years trying to keep peace between the Sioux and their
traditional enemies, the Chippewas. He left the agency in 1840.
2. It was Sibley who procured the voyageurs for Nicollet and became re-
sponsible as agent of the American Fur Company for their reimbursement
(see Memo, of Agreement between H. H. Sibley and certain voyageurs,
[June 1838], MnHi, and our Doc. No. 13, voucher no. 8).
5. Excerpt from the Memoirs
[1838]
At length we set out.^ As our journey was to be over level and un-
broken country the camp material was carried in one-horse carts,
driven by Canadian voyageurs, the men usually employed by the
Fur Company in their business through this region. M. de Mont-
mort," a French gentleman attached to the legation at Washington,
13
and Mr. Eugene Flandin, a young gentleman belonging to a French
family of New York, accompanied the party as friends of Mr. Nicol-
let. These were pleasant travelling companions, and both looked up
to Mr. Nicollet with affectionate deference and admiration. No
botanist had been allowed to Mr. Nicollet by the Government,
but he had for himself employed Mr. Charles Geyer, a botanist
recently from Germany, of unusual practical knowledge in his pro-
fession and of companionable disposition.
The proposed surveys of this northwestern region naturally di-
vided themselves into two: the present one, at this point connecting
with Mr. Nicollet's surveys of the upper Mississippi, was to extend
westward to the waters of the Missouri Valley; the other, intended
for the operations of the succeeding year, was to include the valley
of the Missouri River, and the northwestern prairies as far as to the
British line.
Our route lay up the Mini-sotah for about a hundred and fifteen
miles, to a trading-post at the lower end of the Traverse des Sioux;
the prairie and river valley being all beautiful and fertile country.
We travelled along the southern side of the river, passing on the way
several Indian camps, and establishing at night the course of the
river by astronomical observations. The Traverse des Sioux is a cross-
ing-place about thirty miles long, where the river makes a large rec-
tangular bend, coming down from the northwest and turning
abruptly to the northeast; the streams from the southeast, the south,
and southwest flowing into a low line of depression to where they
gather into a knot at the head of this bend, and into its lowest part
as into a bowl. In this great elbow of the river is the Marah-tanka or
Big Swan Lake, the summer resort of the Sissiton Sioux. Our way
over the crossing lay between the lake and the river. At the end of
the Traverse we returned to the right shore at the mouth of the
Waraju or Cottonwood River, and encamped near the principal vil-
lage of the Sissitons. Their lodges were pitched in a beautiful situa-
tion, under large trees. It needs only the slightest incident to throw
an Indian village into a sudden excitement which is startling to a
stranger. We are occupied quietly among the Indians, Mr. Nicollet,
as usual, surrounded by them, with the aid of the interpreter getting
them to lay out the form of the lake and the course of the streams
entering the river near by, and, after repeated pronunciations, enter-
ing their names in his note-book ; Geyer, followed by some Indians,
14
curiously watching him while digging up plants; and I, more nu-
merously attended, pouring out the quicksilver for the artificial
horizon, each in his way busy at work; when suddenly everything
started into motion, the Indians running tumultuously to a little rise
which commanded a view of the prairie, all clamor and excitement.
The commotion was caused by the appearance of two or three elk
on the prairie horizon. Those of us who were strangers, and igno-
rant of their usages, fancied there must be at least a war-party in
sight.
From this point we travelled up the Waraju River and passed a
few days in mapping the country around the Pelican Lakes, and
among the lower spurs of the Coteau des Frames, a plateau which
separates the waters of the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers. This is
the single elevation separating the prairies of the two rivers. Ap-
proaching it, the blue line which it presents, marked by wooded
ravines in contrast with the green prairie which sweeps to its feet,
suggested to the voyageurs the name they gave it, of the Prairie
Coast. At this elevation, about fifteen hundred feet above the sea, the
prairie air was invigorating, the country studded with frequent lakes
was beautiful, and the repose of a few days was refreshing to men
and animals after the warmer and moister air of the lower valley.
Throughout this region, the rivers and lakes, and other noticeable
features of the country, bear French and Indian names, Sioux or
Chippewa, and sometimes Shayan [Cheyenne]. Sometimes they
perpetuate the memory of an early French discoverer, or rest upon
some distinguishing local character of stream or lake; and some-
times they record a simple incident of chase or war which in their
limited history were events.
We now headed for our main object in this direction, the Red
Pipe Stone Quarry, which was to be the limit of our western travel ;
from there we were to turn directly north. All this country had been
a battle-ground between the Sioux and Sacs and Foxes. Crossing the
high plains over which our journey now lay, we became aware that
we were followed by a party of Indians. Guard at night was neces-
sary. But it was no light thing, after a day's work of sketching the
country, to stand guard the night through, as it now fell to me
among others to do. When we would make the noon halt I
promptly took my share of it under the shade of a cart in deep sleep,
which the fragrant breeze of the prairie made delightful.
Our exaggerated precautions proved useless, as the suspected hos-
tile party were only friendly Sioux who, knowing nothing about us,
were on their side cautiously watching us.
The Indians have a belief that the Spirit of the Red Pipe Stone
speaks in thunder and lightning whenever a visit is made to the
Quarry. With a singular coincidence such a storm broke upon us as
we reached it, and the confirmation of the legend was pleasing to
young Renville^ and the Sioux who had accompanied us.
As we came into the valley the storm broke away in a glow of
sunshine on the line of red bluff which extended for about three
miles. The day after our arrival the party of Indians we had been
watching came in. We spent three friendly days together; they were
after the red pipe stone, and we helped them, by using gunpowder,
to uncover the rock.
It was in itself a lovely place, made interesting by the mysterious
character given to it by Indian tradition, and because of the fact that
the existence of such a rock is not known anywhere else. It is on the
land of the Sissiton Sioux, but the other Indians make to it annual
pilgrimages, as it is from this they make their images and pipes.
This famous stone, where we saw it, was in a layer about a foot and
a half thick, overlaid by some twenty-six feet of red-colored indu-
rated sand-rock; the color diminishing in intensity from the base to
the summit. The water in the little valley had led the buffalo
through it in their yearly migration from north to south, and the
tradition is that their trail wore away the surface and uncovered the
stone.
There was a detached pedestal standing out a few feet away from
the bluff, and about twenty-five feet high. It was quite a feat to
spring to this from the bluff, as the top was barely a foot square and
uneven, and it required a sure foot not to go further. This was a
famous place of the country, and nearly all of us, as is the custom in
famous places the world over, carved our names in the stone. It
speaks for the enduring quality of this rock that the names remain
distinct to this day.
When the position had been established and other objects of the
visit accomplished, we took up the northern line of march for the
Lac qui park, the trading-post and residence of the Renville family.
On our way we passed through and mapped the charming lake
country of the Coteau des Prairies.
The head of the Renville family,^ a French Canadian, was a
i6
border chief. Between him and the British Hne was an unoccupied
region of some seven hundred miles. Over all the Indian tribes
which ranged these plains he had a controlling influence; they
obeyed himself and his son, who was a firm-looking man of decided
character. Their good will was a passport over this country.
The hospitable reception which is the rule of the country met us
here. I take pleasure in emphasizing and dwelling on this, because
it is apart from the hospitality of civilized life. There is lively satis-
faction on both sides. The advent of strangers in an isolated place
brings novelty and excitement, and to the stranger arriving, there is
great enjoyment in the change from privations and watchful unrest,
to the quiet safety and profusion of plenty in such a frontier home.
Our stay here was made very agreeable. We had abundance of milk
and fresh meat and vegetables, all seasoned with a traveller's appetite
and a hearty welcome.
To gratify us a game of Lacrosse was played with spirit and skill
by the Indians. Among the players was a young half-breed of un-
usual height, who was incomparably the swiftest runner among
them. He was a relation of the Renvilles and seemed to have some
recognized family authority, for during the play he would seize an
Indian by his long hair and hurl him backward to the ground to
make room for himself, the other taking it as matter of course.
Some time was spent here in visiting the various lakes near by,
fixing their position and gathering information concerning the char-
acter of the country and its Indians. This over, and the limit of the
present journey attained, we turned our faces eastward and started
back to the mouth of the St. Peter's.
While Mr. Nicollet was occupied in making a survey of the
Lesueur River, and identifying localities and verifying accounts of
preceding travellers, I was sent to make an examination of the Man-
kato or Blue Earth River, which bore upon the subjects he had in
view. The eastern division of the expedition now closed with our
return to Mr. Sibley's.
Among the episodes which gave a livelier coloring to the instruc-
tive part of this campaign, was a hunting expedition on which I
went with Mr. Sibley.'"^ With him also went M. Faribault,*'' a favorite
companion of his on such occasions. It was a royal hunt. He took
with him the whole of Red Dog's village — men, women, and chil-
dren. The hunting-ground was a number of days' journey to the
south, in loway, where game was abundant; many deer and some
17
elk. It was in November, when the does are in their best condition.
The country was well timbered and watered, stretches of prairie in-
terspersed with clumps and lines of woods.
Early in the morning the chief would indicate the camping-
ground for the night, and the men sally out for the hunt. The
women, with the camp equipage, would then make direct for the
spot pointed out, ordinarily some grove about nine miles distant.
Toward nightfall the hunters came in with their game.
The day's tramp gave a lively interest to the principal feature
which the camp presented; along the woods bright fires, where fat
venison was roasting on sticks before them, or stewing with corn or
wild rice in pots hanging from tripods; squaws busy over the cook-
ing and children rolling about over the ground. No sleep is better
or more restoring than follows such a dinner, earned by such a day.
On the march one day, a squaw dropped behind, but came into
camp a little later than the others, bringing a child a few hours old.
By circumstance of birth he should have become a mighty hunter,
but long before he reached man's age he had lost birthright, he and
his tribe, and I doubt if he got even the mess of pottage for which
Esau bartered his. During the hunt we had the experience of a
prairie fire. We were on a detached excursion, Sibley, Faribault and
I. After midnight we were aroused from a sound sleep by the crack-
ling noise, and springing to our feet, found ourselves surrounded,
without a minute to lose. Gathering in our animals, we set fire to
the grass near our tent, transferring quickly animals and baggage to
the cleared ground. The fire swept past, and in a few seconds struck
a grove of aspens near by and leaped up the trees, making a wall of
flame that sent a red glow into the sky brighter even than the waves
of fire that rolled over the prairie. We lost nothing, only tent and
belongings a little blackened with the smouldering grass; but the
harm was to the woods and the game.
The work of the year and in this quarter was now finished, and
we returned to St. Louis, to prepare for the survey of the more west-
ern division in the succeeding year.
MEMOIRS, 34-38.
1. The route which JCF now describes took the expedition southwest from
Fort Snelling, at present Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minn., along the Minne-
sota River to the vicinity of Mankato, then westward to the Cottonwood River
near New Ulm. Ascending the Cottonwood and its tributaries, the party
reached the Lake Shetek complex in Murray County — and one of the smaller
l8
lakes in the group is now called Lake Fremont. After visiting the pipestone
quarry at Pipestone, Minn., the expedition headed north toward Lac qui Parle.
JCF says the party traveled due north over the high plains, but the map is-
sued with Nicollet's Report shows the group swinging to the west as far as
the Big Sioux River, then approaching Lac qui Parle from the west. From this
point the route followed the Minnesota back down to Fort Snelling, except
for a couple of diversions which JCF mentions.
2. The Count de Montmort was attached to the French legation in Wash-
ington until 1841. It is clear that he traveled with Nicollet during a part
of this expedition, but he returned to Washington sometime in 1838. He did
not go out again in the spring of 1839 (almanac, 1840, 1841). Besides Flan-
din, there appears to have been still another French adventurer with the ex-
pedition. According to the vouchers for the 1838 expedition, a captain named
Belligny traveled with the party for about forty days — paying his own way. It
is not certain where Belligny joined Nicollet. In a letter of 2 July 1838, Fred-
erick Gebhardt and Co. of New York introduced Gaspard de Belligny to
Ramsay Crooks, saying he was from Lyons and wished to tour the U.S. and
see the Indians, and asked for letters to Detroit and St. Louis for him.
(amer. fur CO., 1: item 4721). Another letter, written 20 Aug. 1838 by
Gabriel Franchere (MnHi— Sibley Papers) calls Belligny "a French gende-
man who travels the country for his amusement and information." But by the
time these letters were written the work of the expedition was well under
way. There is no documentation for JCF's statement (p. 53) that Belligny
was with the 1839 expedition.
3. Joseph Renville, Jr., son of Joseph Renville of Lac qui Parle, served as
guide and interpreter to Nicollet. For his services and the use of Renville's
wagons and horses he was given a horse and a $40.00 double-barreled gun
(see voucher no. 14, our p. 40, and ackermann).
4. Joseph Renville (1779-1846) had been in the Sioux country most of his
life (his mother was a Sioux) and had served as an interpreter in 1805-6 when
Zebulon Pike explored the Upper Mississippi. After serving as a British army
captain in the War of 1812, he entered the service of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany, then helped to organize the Columbia Fur Company. When his com-
pany was sold he moved to Lac qui Parle, built a trading post, and spent the
rest of his life there (ackermann; chittenden, 1:323-37).
5. The hunting expedition described here may not have occurred until 1839.
Taliaferro saw JCF with the Nicollet party 28 Oct. 1838 bound for St. Louis,
according to his journal (MnHi). On the other hand, Nicollet had to wait for
JCF at Prairie du Chien the following autumn when, presumably, he was
hunting with Sibley. Sibley himself says that he accompanied JCF to Prairie
du Chien after the hunt — but he erroneously dates it 1840 (sibley [3]). Al-
though he does not mention Fremont in the letter he wrote to his father from
Prairie du Chien on 5 Nov. 1839, Sibley does say he had just arrived in that
river town from having conducted "a party of Sioux down to the Red Cedar
River (a tributary of the Lower Iowa) on the west of the Mississippi on a
hunting excursion" of one month (MnHi — Sibley Papers). He had come to
Prairie du Chien to meet Ramsay Crooks, who incidentally arrived back in St.
Louis in time to go east with Nicollet.
6. Alexander Faribault (1806-82) was long a prominent factor for the
American Fur Company, established several trading posts in the Cannon
River area, and founded the city of Faribault, Minn. He became a representa-
tive in the territorial legislature in 1851 (sibley [2]; minn. coll., vol. 14).
19
6. Fremont to Henry H. Sibley
Lac qui Parle, Sioux Country
16 July 38
Dear Sir
I avail myself of the opportunity offered by Mr. Browns departure
this afternoon to acquaint you with the success of the expedition
thus far & at the same time so express my regret that in our contem-
plated excursion to the Devil's Lake we cannot hope to enjoy the
society of yourself, Capt. Scott, Marryatt &c. The chief of the Yanc-
tons who has been waiting for us here & who accompanies us in a
visit to Lac Travers & the Riviere a Jaques says that unless we are
fond of walking it will not be wise to go to Lac du Diable at present.
The Indians from the Missouri 460 Lodge of Tetons & 300 of the
Yanctons are there at present — amounting as we are told to probably
4000 warriors, all with the old hate of the Americans & the small-
pox. They will winter there so that it is not probable that Marryatt
will give us next summer anything in [James Fenimore] Cooper's
line, tho' I am sure that he has told you something of such a design.
I would give much to know if you are determined to carry your plan
into execution & go there in September. Mr. Nicollet they tell us
cannot with any sort of prudence go now, tho' as we shall shortly
be within 8 days journey of the Lake I should not be surprised if his
anxiety to visit that section of the country induced him to attempt it.
We will be somewhat emboldened too by the favorable circum-
stances which have hitherto attended us. Until yesterday we had not
had two hours rain in all our journey skies without a cloud the nights
delightfully cool & the thermometer sometimes as low as 45° + not
an evening lost to astronomical observations. The scenery too was oc-
casionally surpassingly beautiful — & I never tho' something of a
Traveller had my love of the beautiful in nature more completely
gratified than when we reached the Pelican group of Lakes. It is al-
together of the character which the French term gracieux & I believe
we have nothing so in our language to express it more justly — we
afterwards met with Lake scenery more beautiful perhaps but with
me none excited such emotions as the first. We have visited the pipe
Quarry & I should have been satisfied if we had made the journey
merely for the purpose of seeing it. I could compare it to nothing
perhaps more justly than to the Ruins of some Porphyritic city
20
standing on the verge of a desolate plain which had once been cov-
ered w^ith luxuriant farms & splendid villas — we passed the 5 lodges
without difficulty & are now quiet here but busily at work for a day
or two. Mr. Nicollet begged me in writing for myself to write for
him also, with his regards he sends you a Box of Sardines & part of
a saucisson — the sardines I can assure you are really excellent & you
must enjoy them. Will you have the kindness to present my regards
to the Officers of the Garrison particularly to Major Plympton's &
Lieut. Smith's families. Remember me if you please to the gentle-
men of your family. We shall be with you about the 15th of next
month. With much respect, Yours truly,
C. Fremont
P.S. We find it hard that you sent us not even a word by Mr. Brown
— not one word — all the party join in presenting their regards to you
— you were too much occupied with [. . .] to think of us — excuse
haste, etc.
ALS, RC (MnHi — Sibley Papers). Addressed to Sibley at St. Peters. Per-
sons mentioned in this letter include Joseph Renshaw Brown (1805-70), a
trader with the Sioux who had come to Minnesota as a boy with the troops
that built Fort Snelling; Capt. Martin Scott (1788-1847), who was stationed
at Fort Snelling from about 1821 to 1840 (williams [2]); Capt. Frederick
Marryat (1792-1848), British author who stopped for a brief time with Sibley
when he visited the U.S. in 1837-38 and gave an account of his tour in A
Diary in America (London, 1838); Maj. Joseph Plympton (d. 1860), the
commandant at Fort Snelling, 1837-41; and Lieut. E. Kirby Smith, stationed
therein 1837 and 1838.
7. Fremont to Joel R. Poinsett
St. Peters Wisconsin Territory
Sepr. 5th 1838—
Dear Sir
I hasten to give you immediately on our arrival a brief account of
our recent campaign. We have returned without having a single tale
of danger or suffering to relate — no one sick no accident — we have
not even starved a little & starvation is the most common accident in
this country. On the contrary we are here in fine health & exuberant
spirits & in the exultation of the most complete success. I should be
21
glad to relate to you some of the many interesting incidents of our
journey, but in the narrow limits of a letter it is impossible to do
justice to any of the events wh. which every day was crowded. It
seemed as if it were the will of Providence that the magnificent
country we have traversed should no longer be without an inhabi-
tant, so highly favored by circumstances that it seemed as if an in-
visible hand smoothed & prepared our way. Mr. Nicollet has several
times suffered such an opinion to escape him, for mingled with his
zeal for science & warmed by the enthusiasm characteristic of his
countrymen, he cherishes the most exalted religious feeling. For 39
days out of a journey of 85, we travelled on without the loss of an
hour & meeting wh. scarcely 2 hours rain — during the bright skies
whose heat was tempered by winds like those from the sea sweeping
over the prairies & cloudless nights, offering us every facility for our
numerous astronomical observations. Told before our departure that
dangers wd. beset every step, wh. gloomy accounts of hostile tribes
whose country we were obliged to traverse — we were every where
received with the warmest demonstrations of welcome & hospitality.
On our arrival in the Indian country proper, Mr. Nicollet sent a
messenger to a formidable tribe which lay in our route, of his inten-
tion to pass thro' their country. With our messenger returned their
chief, a man nearly 7 ft. in height & in proportion a study for a stat-
uary. "I heard of your arrival," said he, "& tho' wounded I could not
rest in my Lodge, but have flown to welcome you to our country.
You are going to visit that country & where you go our enemies
throng. I must go with you. My first wish is to die for the whites."
You may be sure that his proffer of friendship was warmly met, but
we told him how impossible it was for him to travel in such a state &
at last induced him reluctantly to abandon his intention. "But I give
you then my Son," said he,— "he is to me the dearest thing on earth,
but my heart will be rejoiced if he dies fighting for the whites." "I
will answer for his life with mine," said Mr. N. & I believe that each
present formed a silent determination to bring back that Indian or
remain on the prairie wh him. We had a council on that evening,
when Mr. N. explained to the indians the purpose of his coming
among them. He was already known to them as the Great French
Spirit. "I come, as you know, from the nation beyond the great Salt
Lake whose chief many years ago was your Father. My Grandfather
then came to visit the Sioux & to do them some good & the Sioux all
treated him well. My people & yours were then brothers. My an-
22
cestors returned to their own country, but they did not forget their
brethren the Sioux & spoke often of them to their children. Their
children did not forget the words of the old men & they are anxious
to hear from their friends the Sioux & to know if they are happy &
have plenty of Bufifalos. So I have come to know these things. But I
went first to shake the hand wh your great Father at Washington, &
he said, "Go to my children the Sioux. They live so far from me that
I do not know what they want. Go & look at their country & count
their lodges. Take them something to eat & do them some good, &
tell my children that I send you to them & that when you come back
& bring good words of them, I will make their Fires very large as
they were long ago, & my children shall be happy." It was affecting
to hear that chief's reply, spoken with natural eloquence & an abrupt
energy peculiar to the savage & always startling to the listener. He
spoke of his nation, of the earlier and happier periods of its history
& contrasted these with its present poverty & rapid decay. "Then,"
said he, "the Buffalo covered the plains. Our enemies fled before us
& the blaze of our Fires was seen from afar, but they have dwindled
away until their light is almost extinguished. There is no more
games & my people are few & our enemies press us on every side.
We thought that we were to die when the snow comes but you come
& bring us life. Our sky was covered with clouds & dark with storm,
but you came & again the sun shines bright in the blue heavens & we
are happy." Mr. N. has always labored to prevent these people from
going to war. "I give you this powder," he wd. tell them, "to kill
game for the support of your women & children & to pay your debts
to the Traders, but do not dare to go to war with it — with it you
will be successful in the chase, but your scalp will hang in your
enemy's lodge if you carry it with you to war." He always repre-
sented himself [to] these people as specially sent by the President to
enquire into their condition with a view of improving it — endeavor-
ing in every way to promote the interests of the U. States. The tact &
judgment displayed in his intercourse wh them has been eminently
successful, & I could not dwell too much upon his superb manage-
ment of the expedition — not an article lost or broken throughout our
long journey, not a horse injured or stolen, a set of the most ungov-
ernable men in the world reduced in less than a week to perfect
order & obedience, the whole party cheerful & contented & all con-
ducted wh the strictest regard to economy, superintending in person
the most trifling details of duty — giving, himself, the Reveille at 4 in
23
the morning, travelling all day pencil in hand sketching & noting
everything — physical and descriptive Geography, Geology, Meteo-
rology, terrestrial magnetism, study of the resources of the country
in relation to its future political condition — nothing but the most
extraordinary devotion to the cause of science could have supported
him under such unremitted labor — night came but brought v/h it no
cessation of toil, our astronomical observations were frequently pro-
tracted beyond the turn of the night & every fourth night one of the
officers kept watch until daylight. Mr. N. taking his turn among the
rest — "C'est bien," he wd. sometimes say with exultation, when after
the toils were over, we stood to converse a little at our midnight
fires, our frames exhausted & our blood fevered with the merciless
attacks of the mosquitoes — c'est bien n'est-ce pas ? so much is done.
No matter what happens, if we die tonight, we shall have done
something good for science.
After having explored the Coteaux des Prairies in length 140 miles,
visited extensively the region of the Red Pipe Stone quarry & the
region watered by the Blue Earth Riv. & its numerous Forks, we go
now to take advantage of the few days that remain of the favorable
season to explore the wild & broken region that lies immediately
west of the Mississippi & south of the St. Peters.
I have the pleasure to thank you for my appointment to the Topi.
Engineers. Major Plympton informed me of it on my arrival here &
showed me my name on the list. I do not transmit to the Depart-
ment an acceptance form, because I have not yet received any com-
munication on that subject — indeed we are all, expecially Mr.
Nicollet, extremely disappointed in having received no letters from
any quarter on our arrival after a somewhat long absence.
We have been transacting our money affairs thro' the Am. Fur
Co. & as we close our business with that company at St. Louis, we
have to request that two or three thousand dollars may be trans-
mitted to that place, which we shall probably reach in the latter days
of October. Mr. N. told me that it is not necessary to make a formal
requisition. I leave this letter with Mr. H. Sibley, of the Am. Fur
Co., to be forwarded by the first steamboat. Very Respectfully Dear
Sir, Your Obt. Servt.
C. Fremont
ALS, RC (PHi— Poinsett Papers).
24
8. J. J. Abert to Pratte, Chouteau and Company
Bureau of Top. Engineers
Washington, Octr. 18th. 1838.
Gentlemen,
Your letter of the 5th inst. has been duly received.
By the enclosed extract from the instructions to Lieut. Freemont,
who is with Mr. Nicollet, you will perceive that he is the disbursing
agent of the expedition, and that all its accounts will have to be set-
tled by him. As Mr. Nicollet was fully aware of this arrangement
before he left St. Louis, that he did not apprize you of it could have
been only from an oversight. Lieut. Freemonts application for funds
will be immediately complied with. He will adjust your account if
approved by Mr. Nicollet, but as neither of these gentlemen are
probably fully aware of the exactness required by our accounting
officers in the final adjustments of accounts, you will pardon me in
suggesting the propriety of your charges being sustained by special
statements of quantities & prices. Very respectfully,
J. J. Abert, C.T.E.
Lbk(DNA-77,LS, 2:627).
9. Fragment of a Fremont Journal
[22-26 Oct. 1838]
Oct. 22d. 1838. This morning an Indian from M. Nicollet— to my
great surprise he is at Sibley's — has made a voyage full of success but
attended wh. hardship — 12 jours [. . •] par la faim et I'incendre des
prairies — says that in 3 days at farthest he will start to join me —
despatched Baptisier^ at 8 a.m. to Wells," ^ days journey on Lake
Pepin, in search of Flour, Sugar, &c. Evening — this day passed as the
others, in walking among the neighboring hills, reading &c. Snow
still covers the high prairies. I find nothing remarkable in Geology,
Limestone & Sandstone with some handsome conglomerates & occa-
sionally a granite Boulder. I believe that I have forgotten to mention
in its proper place a large granite Boulder on the shore of Lake
25
Pepin when the wind compelled me to encamp during the 13th &
14th ult. The soil being excellent, all the vegetables I have seen are
very large & fairly flavoured, Turnips, Potatoes, carrots &c. Roque"*
might have a beautiful & comfortable farm, he has Cows, Oxen,
Horses, all the material — but the spirit of Indian indolence seems to
pervade all here & provided there is enough to satisfy the wants of
the present moment, they do not look beyond. 4 Indian Lodges en-
camped here yesterday & they have been a little troublesome to us
today — they began to congregate around our fire at supper time, but
our good cook routed them, & they betook themselves to Roque's
family fire & in a few moments more than a Dozen were assembled
there — their kettle hanging over the fire & a close array of wild
Ducks en appolas encircling it.
Oct. 23d. The day has opened beautifully — a bright spring sun
shining in a clear sky for the first time since the 10th ult. The lake
& the river, notwithstanding its swift current, smooth as a mirror.
Above and below this place the river freezes, but immediately in
front of the house, never. Why ? After Breakfast walked wh. Flan-
din on the road by wh. Baptisier was to return & ascended one of the
mountains near the entrance of the lake & walked for a short dis-
tance along the [three words illegible] snow on summit. Flandin
took off his coat on reaching the summit (instead of Buttoning it) &
lost a little work on astronomy, a present from M. Verrot* of Bait.
Fine view here — think that the Riv. aux Boeufs is a mouth of the
Riv. des Sauteurs — the whole intervening space from the Cote to
latter being occupied by channels & marais — very nearly the same as
the Riv. aux Embarras & the Riv. a I'eau Blanche. Day passed as
usual, much pleased wh. "La Perfectibilite humaine." Towards Eve-
ning Maxime"' returned wh. 6 fine Ducks & shortly after came Bap-
tisier— he had purchased Flour, Coflfee, tea & sugar to the amount of
4.50 & had lost, he said, 2.50. I was informed after his departure yes-
terday that he never lost an opportunity to become intoxicated & he
had enjoyed this at Wells'. Supped well & slept well. After supper
sat up some time listening to Augustin's account of Indian feuds &c.
Oct. 24. Mr. N. not yet arrived. Rains constantly wh. high wind
from the north during the night but wh. the morning the rain — the
sun broke out gloriously among the clouds, though the wind rose
higher. It sweeps down river wh. is so ruffled as to look like a rapid
today, & the little lake is angry & white. 1 P.M. have returned from a
walk to the hills. The snow still lies in sheltered places — the wind is
26
blowing Keenly & the sky covered wh. dark, hard clouds threaten-
ing snow. Maxime has retd. from the chase bringing wh. him 10
Ducks & a large & very fat Goose. I take much pleasure in listening
to his narrations of these expeditions. The colour of the goose is
body gray, neck & head black, the latter having a white band. About
5 O'clock a party of Americans, 5 in number came to the house &
requested permission to stay the night, which was cold, raw &
windy — granted of course — displayed a full measure of that trouble-
some curiosity & intolerable ill manners peculiar to the \several
words cut from paper] very much annoyed by them. They were
from the Mile or Chippeway river bound to the Prairie du Chien —
they left us next morning after breakfast.
Oct. 25 Thursday. M. N. not arrived. Spent the day in reading,
mapping & walking. Maxime startfed] for the chase at daylight
this morning & return [ed] at Breakfast time wh. 2 very fat Geese &
2 [. . .]. The Post Boy arrived — informed us that Mr. N. had passed
Danton's*' on the 23rd — he will certainly arrive tomorrow.
Oct. 26. Prepared a fine breakfast in expectation of enjoying the
society of our friends at that meal. Th[ey] did not come. After
Breakfast walked to the summit of a mountain overlooking the lake,
about 2 miles hence. Just as I reached the summit, saw the Barge on
the lake at foot of hill — they were under sail & reached the house
before me. Messrs. Geyer & Montmort looking well. Mr. N. very
thin. Mr. Montmort escaped drowning in the morning. Mr. N's re-
mark [. . .] alive to want of calculation. Are all men unjust? Much
excited — walked in the cold wind for an hour or so, wh. had a cool-
ing effect. Will the resolutions formed in that hour be adhered to?
Returned to the house. Maxime not yet arrived — hope he will come
in time for supper.^
AD (CLSM). This fragment of JCF's record of the 1838 expedition is
found in a small notebook, the cover of which bears the initials "C. F." and
the title, in his hand, "Cahier d'Observations Astronomique." The document
contains astronomical data in JCF's hand.
1. Probably Jean Baptiste Gea, who appears in the financial vouchers for
Nov. 1838.
2. James Wells (d. 1863) was a prominent trader when Sibley went to
Minnesota in 1834 (siblev [3]).
3. Probably Augustin Rocque, a trader whose house was about three miles
below Lake Pepin — said to have been the only house in 1834 between Prairie
du Chien and the mouth of the Minnesota River (sibley [3]).
4. Jean Marcel Pierre Auguste Verot (1805-76), of the Sulpician order,
taught at St. Mary's Seminary in Baltimore where Nicollet had stayed. He
27
became vicar-apostolic of Florida in 1858 and bishop of St. Augustine in 1870.
5. Maxime Maxwell, listed in the 1838 financial vouchers as a voyageur.
6. Samuel Dentan and Daniel Gavin, missionaries from Lausanne, had es-
tablished themselves at the head of Lake Pepin where a small band of Sioux
lived in what was commonly known as Red Wing's village (folwell,
1:203-4).
7. Two days later, agent Taliaferro noted in his journal that his steamboat
overtook the Nicollet party of seven on a barge below Mt. Trempeleau. "We
could not hail or have a word with them as I wished" (MnHi).
10. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topogrl. Engineers
Washington, Oct. 26th 1838
Sir,
A requisition for three thousand dollars has been this day made in
your favor. The amount will be sent to you at St. Louis. Respectfully,
}. J. Abert C.T.E.
Lbk (DNA-77,LS, 3:5).
1 1. J. J. Abert to Pratte, Chouteau and Company
Bureau of Topogrl. Engineers
Washington, Novr. 12th 1838.
Gentlmn.
Your letter of the 31 Octr. {not found] has this moment been re-
ceived.
I cannot see what possible difference it can make by whom or
through whom your advances on account of the expedition under
Mr. Nicollet are paid. In case of advance of money, the advance will
be refunded, in case of sales of goods, the goods will be paid for, but
for the reason in my last & its inclosure Lt. Fremont was made the
monied agent of the expedition. All this was known (to Mr. Nicol-
let) before his departure and, of course, before you had advanced a
dollar. Mr. Nicollets drafts will without doubt be paid by Lt. Fre-
mont, and to enable him to meet these and other engagements of
28
the expedition, a requisition for S3000 to be placed at his disposal at
St. Louis was made on the 26th of October.
On many days previous to the departure of Mr. Nicollet from this
place and for many after, the illness of Mr. Poinsett was such, that
no business intercourse was had with him. The expedition was
therefore organized entirely by this office, in a way presumed to
coincide with his views, and in conformity with the general custom
in such cases. But in my letter to you of the 18th you are informed
that Lt. Fremonts application for funds would be immediately com-
plied with. He will adjust your accounts if approved by Mr. Nicollet.
Mr. Nicollet could of course approve of your cash advances on his
draft, there could therefore be no difficulty or delay in the adjust-
ment. And to prevent the possibility of delay, in anticipation of the
wants of the expedition, the amount of $3000 as before stated was
sent on the 26th of last month. You will perceive therefore that to
meet your cash advances every arrangement has already been made
& without any knowledge in this office of the assurances of the
Secretary to which you refer, those assurances have been fully met.
It was not possible for the Department to send funds to you in
order to meet Mr. Nicollets drafts on your firm; it could only have
paid such drafts drawn on the Department in your favour. Then the
draft would have been charged to Nicollet and he would have had
to have accounted for the expenditures of the amount. Had the
money have been sent to you to meet Nicollet's drafts then you
would have been charged with the amount on the book of the Trea-
sury, and you would have had to have accounts for the expenditure.
Either of these courses would have put Mr. Nicollet or yourself to
great inconvenience. On these accounts Lt. Fremont was made the
agent, and as he was directed to pay any account that Mr. Nicollet
should approve it preserves the customary form and kept Mr. Nicol-
let at the head. I have made these explanations to satisfy you that
the arrangement is proper and that every proper result be relied
upon with confidence.
J. J. Abert CI. Tl. En.
Lbk (DNA-77,LS, 3:10-11).
29
12. Joseph N. Nicollet to F. R. Hassler
St. Louis, 26 December 1838
My dear friend,
Mr. Charles Fremont, who will give you this letter, is the lieuten-
ant of the topographic corps who accompanied me in my expedition
as first assistant. I present him to you as a special friend, very eager
to make your acquaintance, and very capable of appreciating your
great work. He will give you all the details of my campaign which
was very happy, and will explain to you the reasons which keep me
here another several weeks. I am in a hurry to see you again and am
exceedingly vexed at the forced delay I face in getting myself im-
mediately to Washington. It was impossible to give you word of
myself earlier, having been constantly away from all means of com-
munication with civilization. I had news of you through Col. Abert,
when I arrived at the place where mail awaited me. But nothing
more recent than the month of August. I am making a vow that we
will find each other under the same roof to spend together those
moments of conversation that are so dear to me. In the hope of see-
ing you again soon, I abstain from writing you more lengthily, hav-
ing much to do to send off Mr. Fremont to Washington with all
my paperwork.
Adieu, my dear friend, my best to all your family, and to you
more than ever,
J. N. Nicollet
ALS, RC (NN— Hassler Papers). Addressed. The original is in French.
Ferdinand Rudolph Hassler (1770-1843) had come to die U.S. from Switzer-
land in 1805 and was now superintendent of the U.S. Coast and Geodetic
Survey. He would soon be inviting his good friend Nicollet, and young JCF,
to make some nighttime astronomical observations atop his house in Wash-
ington (CAJORI; KEVINS, 48-50).
13. Financial Records, 1838
[31 Dec. 1838]
Editorial note: The value of financial records in historical docu-
mentation is nearly self-evident. In the case of exploring expeditions,
30
these records provide more than just fiscal information: they list
equipment and supplies, and the suppliers dealt with; they present
a rough chronology of an expedition ; and they provide a usually re-
liable roster of the personnel and the period of employment for each
man. It is not uncommon for the name of an engage or other em-
ployee to appear nowhere but in the financial records.
It is necessary, however, to be selective in presenting such records.
The most useful items are the individual vouchers which go to make
up the quarterly reports of the man charged with disbursing the
funds. We shall concentrate upon these, citing other documents
when they provide useful information. And we shall do a good deal
of normalizing and summarizing, feeling that a slavish attempt to
reproduce all the myriad bits of documentation in utter faithfulness
to capitalization, spelling, and format cannot serve any historio-
graphic purpose.
In some cases, wording has been simplified or omitted but the
meaning has not been altered. Prices of individual items are usually
omitted if they can easily be determined by the total price.
JCF's accounts are fairly complete in the National Archives, us-
ually compiled on a yearly basis — each quarter occasionally reported
separately — and with all the documents folded in thirds and tied
with ribbon. Each of these packets is a "consolidated file," contain-
ing, besides the vouchers which represent JCF's disbursements, var-
ious summaries, abstracts of disbursements, and a statement of
account current. Supporting letters are sometimes present, and will
be quoted or given in full when they contribute information.
JCF's accounts for the four quarters of 1838 are in DNA-217,
Third Auditor's Reports and Accounts, Account No. 10954.
Voucher No. 1, St. Louis, 17 May 1838
U.S. to Henry Chouteau
15 May 1838
Bill for medicine chest 19.87
21 bbls. biscuit @ 2.50, keg 250 9.00
100 lbs. dried beef @ 12^0, box 250 12.75
3| tablettes de bouillon 14.00
117 lbs. sausages 15.00
4 boxes sardines 6.00, and 10 lbs. chocolate 7.50 13.50
2 lbs. arrowroot @ .75, box .75 2.25
31
4 lbs. tea 4.00
Lantern, candles, sugar, tobacco, etc. 11.50
10 lbs. Mocha coffee 2.20
8 hams, lOli lbs. 12.68
1 keg butter 7.00
1 doz. port wine 12.00
4 bottles Cognac brandy 4.00
Sugar 8.50
34 lbs. salt 1.02
Box 500, 3 tin canisters 1.00, dray age 250 1.75
17 May 1838
1 box sperm candles, 36 lbs. @ 450, box 250 16.45
167.47
Rect. 17 May by ]. Richardson. Certified by JCF. Endorsed by J. F. A. San-
ford: "I certify that J. Richardson is an Employe in the service of H. Chou-
teau Grocer & Compy. Merchants, St. Louis, Mo., and as such, is in the habit
of receipting for any money due to Chouteau. Merchants in that country
always give their clerks this authority." In an unknown hand: "The Bill &
receipt for Medicine Chest wanting $19.87." Later endorsement by JCF: "The
man from whom the Medicine Chest was purchased could not be found on
our return to St. Louis, from the Western Country, & as it was actually pur-
chased by me from Mr. Chouteau, I supposed that his receipt would be re-
garded as satisfactory. C. Fremont." Henri P. Chouteau (1805-55), a
wholesale grocer and commission and forwarding merchant, was located at 39
N. Front Street, St. Louis, in 1839 (j. f. mc dermott [2], 176). John F. A.
Sanford was associated with P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company, acting mainly
as a liaison between St. Louis and the East (sunder, 6-7).
Many of the vouchers accumulated valuable information in the process of
being receipted, certified, and endorsed. In such cases, the information will
be noted. But many are routinely receipted at the place and on the date drawn,
by the person to whom the money was owing, and are routinely certified by
JCF as having "been received by me and used, or intended to be used, etc."
Where nothing is to be learned from the receipting, certification, and endorse-
ment, they are omitted.
Voucher No. 2, St. Peters, 13 Sept. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
16 July through 3 Aug.
Sundry articles furnished Mr. Nicollet at Lac qui Parle, viz.:
Binding and lead 10-1^
1 sheep, 6.00, 9 lbs. shot, 10 lbs. tobacco 10.75
45 lbs. lead, 10 lbs. tobacco, 20 lbs. pemmican 10.62
45 lbs. sugar, 4 plates, 4 spoons, and 4 forks 12.25
32
canoe, 15.00, 30 lbs. flour, 2.10 17.10
1 basket and bag for mess 4.00
soap 3.00
67.85
Rect. 13 Sept. 1838 at St. Peters by H. H. Sibley, as agent for the American
Fur Company.
Voucher No. 3, St. Peters, 13 Sept. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
10 Sept. 1838
To advances of sundry necessaries to men at Lac qui Parle 15.20
less: by amount received for 1 vv^ooden canoe 12.00
3.20
Rect. 13 Sept. 1838 by H. H. Sibley as agent for the American Fur Com-
pany. Certified by JCF and endorsed by him: "The particulars of the Bill are
of such a nature that they could not be specified in detail, such as a pound of
beef to one man, a few potatoes to another & so on with the rest. C. Fremont."
Voucher No. 4, St. Peters, 13 Sept. 1838
U.S. to Stambaugh and Sibley
5 June 1838
For articles furnished Mr. Nicollet's expedition at Fort
Snelling
115 lbs. bacon 28.75, 2 lbs. tea 3.00, 4 lbs. coffee 1.00 32.75
20 lbs. rice, 2.50, 3 bed cords 1.50 4.00
1 pair shoe brushes 50(^, 2 boxes blacking 250 .75
6 tin cups 750, 1 set knives and forks 4.00, 6 spoons 1.38 6.13
\ doz. teaspoons 500, \ doz. plates 6/, 1 tin pan 750 2.00
1 frying pan 1.50, 1 tea pot 1.00, 1 tea kettle 4.50 7.00
2 lbs. candles 1.00, 2 bars soap 12/, 1 tin basin 690 3.19
1 candlestick 620, 1 loaf salt, 440, 1 teapot 1.00 2.06
1 piece tape 250, 1 fish line 250 .50
29 Aug.
6 lead pencils 900, 1^ quires paper 750 1.65
1 Sept.
2| gals, wine to me 5.50
1 bottle port wine 1.00 Paid Mrs. Campbell for washing 1.87 2.87
68.40
33
Rect. 13 Sept. 1838 at St. Peters by H. H. Sibley as agent for the American
Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Endorsed: "I certify that H. H. Sibley whose
name is affixed to the within receipt, is the agent of the Am. Fur Co. West
Depart, and that he is authorized to receipt for them, or Stambaugh & Sibley.
J. F. A. Sanford." Samuel C. Stambaugh and Sibley were partners in the
sutlership at Fort Snelling. Stambaugh, the former publisher of a county
newspaper in Pennsylvania, had been appointed to the Indian agency at Green
Bay in 1832. When his appointment was rejected by the Senate, President
Andrew Jackson sent him to Wisconsin as a special agent (jones, 186; mar-
tin). Mrs. Campbell may be Marguerite Menager Campbell, the wife of Scott
Campbell, who was an interpreter at Fort Snelling for some twenty-five years
(WILLIAMS [1], 134; HOFFMANN, 35-37, 42).
Voucher No. 5, St. Peters, 13 Sept. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
YJ June
For sundries furnished Mr. Nicollet at Traverse des Sioux, viz:
3 pieces fancy calico, 96f yds. 24.00
1 tin kettle 14/, 1 gun $6.00 7.75
2 tin pans 10/, 1 piece ribbon 6/ 2.00
10 lbs. powder @ 5/, 32 lbs. lead @ 10^^ 9.45
10 lbs. tobacco, 1^ coffee 2.25
30 lbs. Hour @ 6<^, 2 lbs. sugar @ 200 2.20
4^ lbs. rice @ 1/; amt. paid Provencalle per request 12.00 12.53
8 lbs. tobacco @ 20^, 12 lbs. lead @ 100 2.80
12 lbs. salt @ 50, 1 cod line 8/ 1.60
64.58
Rect. 13 Sept. 1838 at St. Peters by H. H. Sibley as agent for the American
Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Auditor's comment on endorsement sheet:
"The Bill & Receipt for the Amt. paid Provencalle wanting, $12.00." Added
comment by JCF: "The same remarks applicable to this as to other bills of
Am. Fur Compy. Agents. C. F." Louis Provencalle (ca. 1780-ca. 1850) was a
Minnesota trader for more than twenty-five years. He was in charge of the
post at Traverse des Sioux when Sibley made his first inspection there in
1835 (babcock).
Voucher No. 6, St. Peters, 13 Sept. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
25 Aug. 1838
6 lbs. powder 4.50, 13 lbs. lead 13/ 6.13
20 lbs flour 1.50, 2 lbs. tobacco 6/ 2.25
1 keg powder, 25 lbs. 13.00, 1 bag corn 4.00 17.00
^ yd. ticking 1/, thread 60, paid for bark canoe 35.00 35.19
34
i bag corn 2.00, 26 lbs. bacon 6.50 8.50
1 lb. turtle twine 5/, 1 lb. candles 2/, 22 lbs. flour 1.65 2.53
Repairing frying pan 6/, 2 lbs. Tobacco 4/ 1.25
paid Benjamin Dyonne 81 days service @ 1.00 81.00
hire of 6 horses & carts 57 days from 18 June to 13 Aug., and
of 2 horses & carts 63 days from 18 June to 19 Aug., in all
468 days @ 750 per diem 351.00
Paid Joseph Laframboise for a calf furnished by him 10.00
Paid Mrs. Perry for washing 7.13
521.98
Rect. 13 Sept. 1838 at St. Peters by H. H. Sibley as agent for the American
Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Auditor's note states bills and receipts lack-
ing for canoe and for money to Dyonne and Laframboise. Endorsement by
JCF: "These things were, as others, purchased of the Am. Fur Compy. from
whom the receipt was obtained. C.F." The name of Benjamin Dyomme ap-
pears frequently in the ledgers and daybooks of the American Fur Company,
1835-45. Joseph Laframboise had been an American Fur Company agent at
Lake of the Two Woods on the Coteau des Prairies in 1835, but that post
was now abandoned and he was serving as a guide to Nicollet, sibley [3]
and WILSON provide information on his life and trading activities. Mrs. Perry
is probably Mary Ann Perry (d. 1859), wife of Swiss watchmaker Abraham
Perry, who had come to Fort Snelling in 1827 (williams [1], 66-67, 101).
But as Sophy Perry collected the money (Mendota Day Book, 23 June 1838,
Sibley Papers) it is possible that "Mrs. Perry" is the daughter-in-law of the
elder Perrys, though we suspect she is one of Mary Ann's six daughters collect-
ing the money for her mother.
Voucher No. 7, St. Peters, [ ] Sept. 1838
U.S. to Americaji Fur Company
28 May 1838
2 barrels flour 22.00, 1 barrel pork 22.00 44.00
freight of 1300 lbs. to Traverse des Sioux 6.50
30 May
2 lbs tobacco 8/, 1 bag shot 2.75 3.75
1 2-quire blank book 12/, 23 yds. mosquito netting 8.63 10.13
8 yds. cotton 20/, thread 2/, knife 6/, needles 2/ 3.75
4 June
thread 2/, 2 yds. stroud 6.00, 8 lbs. tobacco 1.60 7.85
8 June
14 lbs. sugar 2.80, 3 pair 3-pt. blankets 30.00 32.80
1 pair 2fpt. blankets 9.00, 12 bushel corn 18.00, 6 bags 12/ 28.50
4 barrels flour 44.00, 3 barrels pork 66.00, large kettle 3.00 113.00
35
6 guns 58.50, 1 crow bar 3.00 61.50
3 drills & hammer 3.00, 1 axe 3.00, 1 yd. cotton 2/, 1 hatchet
6/ 7.00
paid for making mosquito bar 1.50, 1 quire ruled cap
paper 4/ 2.00
1 patent gimlet 1 /6, 36 lbs. navy bread 3.60, 40 lbs. flour 3.00 6.79
327.57
Rect. [ ] Sept. 1838 at St. Peters by H. H. Sibley as agent for the Ameri-
can Fur Company. Certified by JCF.
Voucher No. 8, St. Peters, [ ] Sept. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
4 June 1838
40 lbs. pork 7.50, 20 flints 3/, 12 gun worms 6/ 8.63
30 June
1 barrel flour 12.00, 1 barrel pork 24.00, 57 lbs. sugar 11.50 47.50
2 bags corn 240 lbs. 7.50, 2 bags to contain 4/ 8.00
9 July
amount of Majese Ascaud's [Arcand's] wages 25 days @ 1.00 25.00
9 Aug.
2 lbs. soap -^7
25 Aug.
Service of Joseph Laframboise as guide and interpreter
78 days @ 2.50 per diem 195.00
Paid Laframboise for use of horse for 43 days 43.00
James Clewett services as voyageur 83 days @ 1.00 83.00
Eusebe Lanctot same, 87 days 87.00
Maxime Maxwell same, 81 days 81.00
Pierre Boucher same, 86^ days 86.50
Joseph Brunelle same, 80| days 80.50
Francois Dezirie for services as cook lQO-25
845.75
Rect. [ ] Sept. 1838 at St. Peters by H. H. Sibley as agent for the American
Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Auditor's note inquires about absence of
supporting documents. Endorsement by JCF: "The same remarks are appli-
cable to this as to other bills from agent of American Fur Compy. C. F."
Arcand, Lanctot, and Boucher are not identified, although their names appear
frequendy in the ledgers and daybooks kept at Mendota. Brunelle, a voyageur
and scout, was said to be more than one hundred years old when he died in
36
1912 (letter of L. J. Carpenter, 11 Feb. 1935, Historical Information File,
MnHi). James Reuben Clewett (b. 1810), an Englishman, came to Minnesota
from Canada as a voyageur and clerk for the American Fur Company, work-
ing first at the post below Lake Pepin and later at Lake Traverse (williams
f 1], 88-89). Fran(;ois Dezirie is undoubtedly Desire Fronchet, who boasted of
having been a soldier under Napoleon. He may have served in the U.S. Army
at Fort Snelling, and in 1836 had been employed by Nicollet during the ex-
pedition to the headwaters of the Mississippi (nicollet, 92; jones, 169;
WILLIAMS [1], 63).
Voucher No. 9, Prairie du Chien, 26 Nov. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
19 Nov.
3 blank books 6/, 9 steel pens & 2 handles 12/ 3.75
8 skeins twine 1/, 1 box caps 3/, 1 lb. shot 1/ 1.50
1 pair blue blankets 3^ pt. 16.00
1 fine pen knife 1.50
26 Nov.
paid H. Francis for board of party 20.25
Cash paid Lieut. Fremont 500.00
543.00
Rect. at Prairie du Chien 26 Nov. 1838 by H. L. Dousman as agent for the
American Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Auditor's note states the $500.00
will be credited to account of JCF for first quarter 1839. Subvoucher lack-
ing for amount paid H. Francis. Endorsement by JCF: "This is a bill of
Mr. Dousman's which I knew to be correct, and paid under the supposition
that he was the only person with whom I could be considered as dealing.
C. F." Hercules L. Dousman (1800-1868) was a partner of Joseph Rolette at
the American Fur Company station. The two men made the establishment a
powerful one, controlling trade over a wide area to the north and west (sib-
ley [1]). H. Francis is not identified.
Voucher No. 10, St. Louis, 3 Jan. 1839
U.S. to Pratte, Chouteau and Company
For advances to J. N. Nicollet on account of
Exploring expedition
24 May 1838
Paid for sundry articles of merchandise for Indian presents 317.23
Paid for tent 26.50
1 June
Paid for sundry merchandise as presents to Renville's family
at Lake Traverse 73.86
37
24 Sept.
Paid draft in favor of H. Sibley 1899.33
18 Nov.
Paid draft in favor of H. L. Dousman 1312.40
17 Dec.
Paid draft in favor of H. L. Dousman 539.50
Paid postage .50
31 Dec.
Paid draft in favor of Lt. Fremont 500.00
4669.32
Rect. at St. Louis, 3 Jan. 1839, by Pratte, Chouteau and Co. Certified by
JCF. Auditor's note indicates subvouchers lacking. Endorsement by JCF: "As
Mr. Chouteau was the only person concerned with me in the transactions
specified on the face of the acct. I did not think it necessary to require of him
certificates as to the amount which he paid for the several articles on the bill.
C. F."
Voucher No. 11, St. Louis, 1 Jan. 1839
U.S. to John Charles Fremont
1838
Transportation of party, instruments and baggage under
the command of J. N. Nicollet from Prairie du Chien
to St. Louis 300.47
1 chronometer guard chain 8.00
Repair of sextant 2.50
2 thermometers 5.00
315.97
Rect. at St. Louis 1 Jan. 1839 by JCF. Certified by JCF. Auditor notes that
subvouchers are missing. Endorsement by JCF: "The expenditures for trans-
portation of the party &c. were made little by little in a wild country and to a
people unacquainted with such things as accounts. Vouchers in form for every
expenditure could only have been obtained at the sacrifice of public interest
by the delay which it would have occasioned. The guard chain, thermometers,
and repair of sextant were paid by Mr. Nicollet whose certificate is hereunto
annexed. C. Fremont." Endorsement by Nicollet certifying to his purchase of
the equipment.
Voucher No. 12, Washington, 1 Feb. 1839
U.S. to John Charles Fremont
1838
To services rendered in the capacity of assistant engineer
38
in a geographical expedition under command of J. N.
Nicollet from 15 April to 31 Dec. inclusively at four
dollars per diem 1036.00
To travelling expenses at 10 cents per mile, 2520 miles,
viz.: from Washington to St. Louis, thence to Fort Snel-
ling, and from St. Louis to Washington 252.00
1288.00
Rect. 1 Feb. 1839 at Washington, D.C., by JCF. Certified by JCF.
Voucher No. 13, Prairie du Chien, 7 Nov. 1838
U.S. to America?i Fur Company
14 Sept.
1 cod line 8/, 1 bed cord 5/, 1 bbl. flour 14.00, 1 bbl. pork
26.00 41.63
1 box blacking 2/, 1 auger 6/, 1 drawing knife 10/ 2.25
1 hand saw 16/, 3 tin dippers 9/, rope 8/ 4.13
24 lbs bacon 6.00, difference on robes, 2.00, 22 lbs. flour 1.65 9.65
17 Sept.
Paid A. Ferribault for horse 120.00, 9 lbs pork 1.38 121.38
5 Oct.
Paid Indian guide, Nez Coupee 10.00
20 Oct.
Amt. of account with Stambaugh & Sibley 42.35
difference on blankets 3.00, corn and pork 5.50
1 bushel potatoes 4/, looking glass 2/, 20 lbs. sugar 4.00 4.75
Hire of horse, 3 carts, 3 harness, 36^ days 54.50
1 mule killed by Indians or stolen 30.50
Paid D. Ferribault for 33 days service as interpreter @ 2.50 82.50
1 bbl. pork 30.00, 1 bushel potatoes 4/, 5 lbs. pork 6/, 5 lbs.
salt 2/ 31.50
Paid A. Ferribault for 33 days hire of horse @ 6/ 24.75
465.39
Rect. at Prairie du Chien 7 Nov. 1838 by H. L. Dousman as agent for the
American Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Auditor notes lack of subvouchers for
several items. Endorsement by JCF: "As to those things for- which subvouchers
are required, I can only say that Mr. Dousman was the man from whom the
actual purchase was made and I cannot see that it is requisite that I should
furnish the receipt of the person from whom he purchased. C. Fremont."
39
David Faribault (d. ca. 1886) was the young son of Jean Baptiste Faribault.
Like his father and his brothers, Alexander and Oliver, he also became a
trader.
Voucher No. 14, Prairie du Chien, 7 Nov. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
9 Sept. 1838
4 lbs. tobacco 12/, 1 lb. twine 5/, 2 quires paper 8/ 3.13
4 papers matches 8/, 2 fish lines 2/, 10 lbs. flour 6/, 6 lbs.
pork 900 2.91
13 Sept.
soap 7/6, 1 pair brushes 6/, 1 box blacking 2/, 1 lb twine 6/ 2.56
14 Sept.
1 horse 50.00 and double barreled gun 40.00, presented to J.
Renville Jr. for services as guide and interpreter and for
loan of wagons, horses, etc. 90.00
32 lbs. tobacco 8.00, 2 kettles 34/, 6 forks 18/, 6 spoons 3/ 14.88
1 sickle 12/, 6 tin cups 6/, 2 lbs. nails 3/, 3^ yds. cotton 8/ 3.63
1 frying pan 6/, 2 bags 4/, 1 axe helve 2/ 1.50
1 bbl. flour 13.00, 1 bbl. mess pork 30.00 43.00
1 plough line 3/, pd. Mrs. Latourville for mending, 5.00 5.38
1 blue cloth capot 6.00, 1 yd. ribbon 130 6.13
paid wages of men with provisions during Mr. Nicollet's
stay at St. Peters 43.00
216.12
Rect. at Prairie du Chien 7 Nov. 1838 by H. L. Dousman as agent for the
American Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Auditor questions lack of sub-
vouchers. Endorsement by JCF: "With the exception of the sanction of the
Secy, of War for the present to Renville this acct. is of the same nature of the
others of Mr. Dousman's. C. F." Mrs. Latourville is not identified.
Voucher No. 15, Prairie du Chien, [ ] Nov. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
3 Nov.
2 pocket flasks @ 4/, 3 quires paper 3/ 2.13
paid Joseph Rolette for 1 wood canoe 20.00
12 mackerels @ 1/, 3 lbs. rice @ 22/, 2 loaves bread @ 1/ 2.12
1 lb. chocolate 3/, 2 thermometers @ 22/, 1 bottle ink 3/ 6.25
2 steel pens @ 1/, 3 lead pencils @ 1/ -63
40
9 Nov.
5 steel pens & handles 6/, 1 sheet drawing paper 1/
4 lead pencils @ 1/, 1 doz. quills 3/
2 cakes soap 5/, 1 yd. diaper 2/, 1| yds. gauze 6/, 1 lb. soap
2/
1 scarlet belt 4/, 4 lbs. lead 4/, 1 plough line 3/
14 sheets envelope paper
Sundry provisions and supplies furnished to the party
.87
.88
1.88
1.37
.25
70.25
106.63
Rect. at Prairie du Chien [ ] Nov. 1838 by H. L. Dousman as agent for
the American Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Endorsed by JCF: "The same
remarks are appHcable to this as to the other bill of Mr. Dousman's for
$465.39. C. F." Joseph Rolette (1781-1842), a fur trader and land speculator
at Prairie du Chien, was associated with Hercules L. Dousman in the Ameri-
can Fur Company after 1826 (dict. wis. bigg.). Zebulon Pike met him (and
archly declined a gift of brandy, coffee, and sugar) during his expedition of
1805-6.
Voucher No. 16, Prairie du Chien, [ ] Nov. 1838
U.S. to American Fur Company
20 Oct.
Paid D. Ferribault for a blanket 6.00 and a double barreled
gun 20.00, presented to Indian guide 26.00
[ ] Nov.
Paid the following for services
George Cournoyer 61.00
Joseph Brunelle 80.75
Jean Baptiste Gea 70.00
Maxime Maxwell 73.00
Chs. Prevost 51.51
Pierre Lanoix 60.00
Louis Quenon 74.25
Paid Louis Rock for services as guide and interpreter 37
days @ 1.50, and for powder, lead, and potatoes, 72.75.
Credit 1 double-barrelled gun 45.00 27.75
524.26
Rect. at Prairie du Chien [ ] Nov. 1838 by H. L. Dousman as agent for
the American Fur Company. Certified by JCF. Auditor's note questions lack
of subvouchers. Endorsement by JCF: "Same explanation as to other accts. of
Mr. D's. C. F." George Cournoyer was listed as a resident of St. Paul in 1850
(wiLLiAMs [1], 267). Louis Rock [Rocque] was the son of Augustin Rocque,
the trader living below Lake Pepin. Prevost, Lanoix, and Quenon not identi-
41
32.50
fied; but obviously Nicollet thought highly of Lanoix as he requested that Sib-
ley bring him and George Cournoyer to Lac qui Pade (Nicollet to Sibley, St.
Louis, 18 March 1839, MnHi— Sibley Papers). Gea is referred to elsewhere
as "Baptisier."
Voucher No. 17 [not present^
Voucher No. 18, St. Louis, 6 Dec. 1838
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
Bill A [see below] 51.75
Bill B [see below] 46.00
L India rubber, for canoe coverings, to secure provisions,
instruments, etc.
2. Transportation of instruments and baggage from Balti-
more to St. Louis, by stages and steamboats 48.50
3. Nautical almanac, American almanac 6.50
4. Paid to w^atchmaker for a chronometer box, to secure a
valuable chronometer that belongs to U.S. 2.25
N.B. 1 to 4, no receipts. At the time I paid out those articles
I was ignorant of the rules to be observed on keeping pub-
lic accounts, and the accounting officer of the expedition
had not yet joined with me. 187.50
Rect. at St. Louis 6 Dec. 1838 by J. N. Nicollet. Certified by JCF.
Bill A, U.S. to George Engelmann, M.D., 17 May 1838
Vaccine matter 19.00
Camphor, peppermint and other drugs 2.25
apparatus for geological surveys (hammers, chisel, punch,
and a big knife) 9.50
paper, 8 reams, for preserving plants
boxing up the same
18.00
1.00
Bill B, U.S. to J. & S. Hawken, 17 May 1838
One fine American fowling piece, double barrel, with leather
case
51.75
46.00
For a note on Dr. George Engelmann, of St. Louis, see under Doc. No. 31.
The Hawken brothers, Jacob (1786-1849) and Samuel (b. 1792), were St.
Louis gunmakers whose "Hawken rifle" was famous from the Alleghenies
to the Rockies. It was the weapon in common use by the American Fur Com-
pany (scHARF, 1:809-10).
42
Voucher No. 19, Baltimore, 18 April 1838
U.S. to ]ames Green
12 April
Repairing barometer 12.00
repairing microscope -75
repairing magnetic compass, brass needle 1.50
2 mountain barometers 50.00
2 cases for same 5.50
6 pocket thermometers 15.00
6 dark glasses 2.25
3 magnifiers 2.25
8925
discount 2.00
8725
Certified by J. N. Nicollet. Dr. George Engelmann noted that for forty
years he had used instruments made by James (iree-n, of Baltimore and New
York (bek, pt. 4, p. 85). In 1840, Green was located at 1 S. Liberty Street,
Baltimore.
1. In addition to the vouchers presented above, one small subvoucher is
present, a bill from the steamboat Burlington for freight from St. Louis to
St. Peters, 924 pounds @ 1.00 per cwt, totaling $13.86. Rect. at St. Peters 26
May 1838 in a clerk's hand.
The collection of vouchers assembled here represents JCF's first encounter
with the rigorous requirements of the War Department in the keeping of
accounts. Not only was he new at the task, but he had a natural aversion to
such niceties which was to bring him into conflict with bookkeepers and
auditors throughout all his service for the government. Given Nicollet's own
naive approach to such formalities, the two men combined must have put
despair into the hearts of the Washington staff. Colonel Abert was to find
many an occasion to justify, to the auditors, the informality of JCF's ac-
counts. He first attempted it in a letter (filed with these accounts) of 16 Dec.
1840 to Secretary of War Joel R. Poinsett: "The U.S. had no funds for
the Survey, and this [American Fur] Company had to advance and pay for
everything, which it did at the request of the War Department. The high
character of this Company for integrity, puts that point beyond question. And
in reference to items in the bills of the Company, in which they charge an
amount as being paid for an article, and which is objected to for the want of
a subvoucher, it appears to me that this is an exactness without adequate ob-
ject. The remark in the bill, if it proves anything, proves that the Company
had not the article for sale, procured it for the U.S. and charged for it no
more than it cost them. . . . The Company are not manufacturers. Every-
thing they sell was bought from some one, but articles procured by them and
not in their line were furnished to the U.S. without profit. No subvoucher
was in my judgment, more necessary in such cases than for any other article."
By way of further explanation, Abert wrote to the Treasury Department:
43
"There is a circumstance connected with the expenditures under Lieut. Fre-
mont, and of which the Comptroller was probably not aware, which places
the American Fur Company so frequently in the attitude of an original pay-
master. It is, that having no funds at the time, appropriated for the expedi-
tion, it was sustained entirely (and at the request of the War Department) by
the resources and means of that company. In fact, that company supplied
every thing and had to await an appropriation before it was paid" (Lbk,
DNA-77, LS, 4:319).
JCF was still explaining, in a letter of 26 Feb. 1841 to the Second Comp-
troller of the Treasury (filed with the above financial accounts), why he did
not have proper receipts from the engages who were paid by Pierre Chouteau,
Jr. "The causes, arising from the nature of the service in an uncivilized re-
gion, which led to so loose a method of keeping accounts, and my own
inexperience in such matters, I have, heretofore, explained in remarks ac-
companying the several vouchers for my expenditures. . . ."
14. Fremont to J. J. Abert
St. Louis 1 Jany. 1839
Sir
I have the honor to accept the appointment which has been con-
ferred upon me of 2d Lieutenant in the Corps of Topographical
Engineers. Respectfully Sir Your Obt. Servt.,
C. Fremont
ALS, RC (DNA-94, 5309 ACP file 1879 John C. Fremont). Endorsed;
reed. 26 Jan. 1839.
15. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topi. Engrs.
Washington, Jany. 4th 1839
Sm,
I have received your letter of the 21st^ and congratulate you on
your safe return to St. Louis. This with one from Prairie du Chien at
the termination of your first expedition, and the two brought by Mr.
Montmort are the only letters which have been received from either
44
Mr. Nicollet or yourself since your departure, last spring, from St.
Louis.
I hope you may not be so truly unfortunate as to lose the Geologi-
cal and botanical collection.
If you should have occasion to make a draft in order to close your
accounts with Pratt Chouteau & Co. please to draw it on this Bureau.
Respectfully,
J. J. Abert. CI. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 3:40).
1. JCF's 21 Dec. 1838 letter, referred to here by Abert, was listed in the
Register of Letters Received, but is no longer present in the National Archives.
This is true also of his 19 Nov. 1838 letter, written from Prairie du Chien, in
which he reported Nicollet was ill.
16. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau Topi. Enginrs.
Washington, March 2d 1839
Sir
You will repair to St. Louis as soon as practicable, & there join-
ing Mr. Nicollet, will aid him in his geographl. operations.
The experience which you have had with your accts., will, I hope,
prevent the encountering of similar difficulties hereafter, & impress
upon your mind the necessity of bills in detail and receipts. You can
procure the materials for a small flag and have it made.
The Secretary agrees to the recommendation of Mr. Nicollet in
reference to Mess. Geyers & Flandin & you are therefore authorized
to pay them for the expedition of the present year a compensation of
two dollars per day to each in full for their services.
In addition to the requisition for $500 to be paid to you at this
place, another for $1500 has been this day made in your favour to be
sent to St. Louis & Mess. Pratt Chouteau & Co. will be written to &
requested to credit your demands to the amount of $5000.
Whether Mess. Pratt Chouteau & Co. credit to you will be liqui-
dated by sending money to St. Louis, or by authorizing you to draw
on the Bureau for the amt. when the expedition has terminated can-
45
not now be decided, but will be by the time you will close your acct.
with them.
The compensation to Mr. Nicollet & to Mess. Geyer and Flandin
will be paid by you, as required by them, as far as practicable out of
the funds sent to you & for which you will have credit with Mess.
Pratt Chouteau & Co.
The plan of the expedition for the present year, as indicated in a
letter from Mr. Nicollet to you, of the 9th of Jany. (on file in this
ofhce) is fully approved by the Secretary.^ Respectfy,
J. J. Abert. CI. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 3:98-99).
1. JCF submitted Nicollet's plan for the 1839 operation in a letter to the
bureau, 23 Feb. 1839. It was registered as received, but is no longer present.
What Nicollet proposed was to continue the operation now being called "Mil-
itary and Geographical Survey of the Country West of the Mississippi and
North of the Missouri." He and JCF were preparing to depart in the spring,
first ascending the Missouri by steamboat. Since the vessel was scheduled to
leave St. Louis in March, it was necessary for the bureau to send them off be-
fore funds had been appropriated (see Doc. No. 17). Documents which fol-
low are selected to outline the course of the expedition and JCF's role in it,
but Nicollet's official Report is not presented.
17. J. J. Abert to Pratte, Chouteau and Company
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington March 2d 1839
Gentn.
I am directed by the Hon. Secrety. of War to inform you that he
has approved of the expedition to the West for the present year, as
indicated by Mr. Nicollet, & I am also authorized to request you to
meet the demands of the expedition for an amount of $5000. Lt.
Fremont is the disbursing agent of the expedition.
In liquidating such advances & credits as you shall give, the Dept.
w^ill either transmit funds to you at St. Louis or authorize Lt. Fre-
mont to draw bills on the Dept., payable here, after the expedition
has terminated, but I cannot novi^ say which course it will be in its
power to adopt. I am however at liberty to assure you that it will
adopt whichever course shall be found agreeable to you & which
46
shall not militate against the necessary regulations of the Treasury
Dept. Respectfully,
J. J. Abert, CI. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 3:98). Once again it became necessary for the govern-
ment to relv upon private interests to finance an expedition. Having received
authorization from the Secretary of War and assurances from Congress that
the necessary appropriations would be made, Abert was embarrassed by a sub-
stantial oversight. After the adjournment of Congress, while the expedition
was under way, it was found that the appropriation for the survey had "es-
caped attention." In his annual report of 30 Dec. 1839, it was necessary for
Abert to plead for the money, and to suggest that funds be provided for ad-
ditional surveys. "Our operations have been heretofore limited to the region
north of the Missouri and west of the Mississippi but not extending west-
wardly to the Rocky mountains. It is extremely desirable that means to fill
up the hiatus south of the Missouri and to extend the observations to the
Rocky mountains should now be granted. It would really be questioning the
known intelligence of the country were one to reason upon the advantages of
correct geographical knowledge, or of the national benefit of obtaining now
in time of peace, a knowledge of so vast a region bordering upon so extensive
a line of our settlements inhabited by a numerous, warlike and well-armed
race . . ." (Abert to Sec. of War, DNA-77, LS, 3:399-400). Thus the Bureau
of Topographical Engineers began to maneuver for the authority which
would send JCF to the Rockies in 1842.
18. J. J. Abert to Joseph N. Nicollet
Bureau of Topi Engins.
Washington, Mrch 4th 1839
Sir
I am directed by the Hon. Secretary of War to inform you that
your plan of operations for the ensuing year as indicated in your let-
ter of the 9th Jany. to Lt. Fremont is fully approved. Arrangements
to make the same effectual have been adopted as you will be ap-
prized by a letter of the 2d. instt. to Lt. Fremont sent open to you for
your perusal.
The circulars you desire to have from the commandg. general and
from the Commissioner of Indian Affairs are herewith inclosed.
Respectfy,
J. J. Abert CI. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 3:100). The nature of the circulars Nicollet had asked
for is not known.
47
19. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington, March 5th 1839
Sir.
Before your departure with the expedition of the present year, you
will transmit to the Bureau your accounts & vouchers to the time of
your present expenditures, in order that the balances with which you
stand charged may be reduced as much as possible, and in order to
save from the hazard of the contemplated expedition the evidences
of the expenditures which you have already made.
In addition to the advice given in my letter of the 2d instt. in ref-
erence to your accounts allow me also to advise that you provide
yourself with full explanation of expenditures of an unusual kind,
and correct statements of the circumstances under which presents
are made to Indians that in all cases in which the discretionary au-
thority of the Department has to be invoked in favour of a voucher
every desirable explanation may be submitted to its consideration.
Respectfy,
J. J. Abert Cl. T. E.
Lbk(DNA-77,LS, 3:101).
20. Fremont to Henry H. Sibley
St. Louis April 4th. 1839
My Dear Sir
We leave this place today in the steamboat Antelope for the Mis-
souri River, intending if possible to be at Lac qui Parle by the end of
June where Mr. Nicollet requests me to say, he shall be most happy
to see you.
He intends proceeding from that place directly to Devil's Lake.
Our party will be composed of the same persons as last year with the
exception of Mr. Flandin who came with us as far as St. Louis but
left us there having a fine opportunity of going to Europe where he
may spend some few years.^
48
We have left in charge of Messrs. P. Chouteau & Co. a case di-
rected to you in which you will find two Boxes of Cigars, which we
send you to smoke with your friends, as I have heard of no steam-
boat going up your way & suppose you must be in want of Cigars —
also a small Box directed to J. Renville at Lac qui Parle. All the
gentlemen of our party unite in tending you their warmest remem-
brances & hope to see you in July at Renvilles. You must not fail to
come — previously to that time you will hear from us again in which
we will be able to fix a more definite period. Very Respy. yr. obt.
servt.,
C. Fremont
ALS, RC (MnHi— Sibley Papers). Addressed to Sibley at Fort Snelling.
Endorsed.
1. If Flandin did go to Europe, he had returned by 1843, for in that year he
was in his father's New York store furnishing foodstuffs to JCF for his second
western expedition (DNA-217, T-135, voucher no. 2, 3 March 1843).
21. George M. Brooke to Fremont
Fort Crawford April 4th 1839.
My Dear Sir
I had the pleasure, to receive, this morning, your letter of the 19th
Ultimo, and have sent the things by the [Lamden?] accordingly,
and hope they may arrive in time. I have enclosed the bill of lading,
in this letter, as it is sent by a friend of mine, who will put it in the
post office, as I do not know, at what house you may lodge. I am
sorry to say, that I did not succeed, in the transfer of Lt. [?], and of
course, that we have been deprived of their society. I regret to in-
form you, of the death of Capt. Lacey^ on the 1st Inst.
We have been well enough, this winter, no visitors & very little
news.
Please make my best regards to Mr. Nicollet, and the Gentlemen,
with you. Wishing you all, a pleasant, and safe tour I remain very
much yr. friend,
Geo. M. Brooke
ALS, RC (CU-B — Fremont Papers). Addressed, "For Lt. C. Fremont, to the
care of Pratte & Chouteau, St. Louis" with the added notation, "Favd. by Mr.
49
W. Wright." Wright operated a ferry across the Wisconsin near Prairie du
Chien. Brig.-Gen. George M. Brooke, who was to sit on the court-martial
board which tried JCF in 1847-48, was at this time commanding Fort Craw-
ford, the military post at Prairie du Chien. He may have met the young lieu-
tenant in 1838, when the Nicollet expedition stopped at his post, although he
was absent from the fort during the spring of 1838 and again in November
when JCF was there (mahan, 218-19).
1. Capt. Edgar Martin Lacey, 5th Infantry, commanded Fort Crawford in
Nov. 1838 while General Brooke was absent (mahan, 332). He died 2 April
1839, according to heitman.
22. Excerpt from the Memoirs
[1839]
A partial equipment for the expedition to the northwest prairies
was obtained in St. Louis. Arrangements had previously been made
at Lac qui parle, during the preceding journey, for a reinforcement
of men to meet the party at an appointed time on Riviere a Jacques
[James River], a tributary to the Missouri River, At St. Louis five
men were engaged, four of them experienced in prairie and moun-
tain travel; one of them Etienne Provost, known as Vhomme des
montagnes. The other man was Louis Zindel, who had seen service
as a non-commissioned officer of Prussian artillery, and was skilled
in making rockets and fireworks.^ We left St. Louis early in April,
1839, on board the Antelope, one of the American Fur Company's
steamboats, which, taking its customary advantage of the annual rise
in the Missouri from the snows of the Rocky Mountains, was about
starting on its regular voyage to the trading-post on the upper waters
of the river.^
For nearly two months and a half we were struggling against the
current of the turbid river, which in that season of high waters was
so swift and strong that sometimes the boat would for moments
stand quite still, seeming to pause to gather strength, until the power
of steam asserted itself and she would fight her way into a smooth
reach. In places the river was so embarrassed with snags that it was
difficult to thread a way among them in face of the swift current and
treacherous channel, constantly changing. Under these obstacles we
usually laid up at night, making fast to the shore at some convenient
place, where the crew could cut a supply of wood for the next day. It
50
was a pleasant journey, as little disturbed as on the ocean. Once
above the settlements of the lower Missouri, there were no sounds to
disturb the stillness but the echoes of the high-pressure steam-pipe,
which travelled far along and around the shores, and the incessant
crumbling away of the banks and bars, which the river was steadily
undermining and destroying at one place to build up at another.
The stillness was an impressive feature, and the constant change in
the character of the river shores offered always new interest as we
steamed along. At times we travelled by high perpendicular escarp-
ments of light colored rock, a gray and yellow marl, made pictur-
esque by shrubbery or trees; at others the river opened out into a
broad delta-like expanse, as if it were approaching the sea. At
length, on the seventieth day we reached Fort Pierre, the chief post
of the American Fur Company.'^ This is on the right or western bank
of the river, about one thousand and three hundred miles from St.
Louis. On the prairie, a few miles away, was a large village of Yank-
ton Sioux. Here we were in the heart of the Indian country and near
the great Buffalo ranges. Here the Indians were sovereign.
This was to be our starting-point for an expedition northward
over the great prairies, to the British line. Some weeks were spent
in making the remaining preparations, in establishing the position
and writing up journals, and in negotiations with the Indians. After
the usual courtesies had been exchanged our first visit to their vil-
lage was arranged. On our way we were met by thirty of the prin-
cipal chiefs, mounted and advancing in line. A noble-looking set of
men showing to the best advantage, their fine shoulders and breasts
being partly uncovered. We were conducted by them to the village,
where we were received with great ceremony by other chiefs, and all
their people gathered to meet us. We were taken into a large and
handsome lodge and given something to eat, an observance with-
out which no Indian welcome is complete. The village covered some
acres of ground, and the lodges were pitched in regular lines. These
were large, of about twenty skins or more. The girls were noticeably
well clothed, wearing finely dressed skins nearly white, much em-
broidered with beads and porcupine quills dyed many colors; and
stufifs from the trading-post completed their dress. These were the
best formed and best looking Indians of the plains, having the free
bearing belonging with their unrestrained life in sunshine and open
air. Their mode of life had given them the uniform and smooth de-
velopment of breast and limb which indicates power, without knots
51
of exaggerated muscle, and the copper-bronze of their skins, burnt
in by many suns, increased the statue-hke effect. The buffalo and
other game being near, gave them abundant food and means to ob-
tain from the trading-post what to them were luxuries.
Having made the customary and expected presents which ratified
the covenants of good will and free passage over their country, we
left the village, escorted half-way by the chiefs.
A few days after our visit to the village, one of the chiefs came to
the fort, bringing with him a pretty girl of about eighteen, hand-
somely dressed after the manner I have described. Accompanied by
her and the interpreter, he came to the room opening on the court
where we were employed over our sketch-books and maps, and
formally offered her to Mr. Nicollet as a wife for him. This placed
our chief for a moment in an embarrassing position. But, with ready
and crafty tact he explained to the chief that he already had one, and
that the Great Father would not permit him to have two. At the
same time suggesting that the younger chief, designating me, had
none. This put me in a worse situation. But being at bay, I promptly
replied that I was going far away and not coming back, and did not
like to take the girl away from her people; that it might bring bad
luck; but that I was greatly pleased with the offer, and to show that
I was so, would give the girl a suitable present. Accordingly, an at-
tractive package of scarlet and blue cloths, beads, a mirror, and other
trifles was made up, and they left us; the girl quite satisfied with her
trousseau, and he with other suitable presents made him. Meantime
we had been interested by the composure of the girl's manner, who
during the proceedings had been quietly leaning against the door-
post, apparently not ill-pleased with the matrimonial conference.
All was now ready. The rating of the chronometers had been veri-
fied. Our observations had placed Fort Pierre in latitude, 44° 23' 28'',
longitude, 100° 12' 30", and elevation above the sea 1456 feet. Horses,
carts, and provisions had been obtained at the fort and six men
added to the party; Mr. May, of Kentucky, and a young man from
Pembinah had joined us. They were on their way to the British
Colony of the Red River of the North. William Dixon and Louison
Freniere had been engaged as interpreters and guides. Both of these
were half-breeds, well known as fine horsemen and famous hunters,
as well as most experienced guides. The party now consisted of nine-
teen persons, thirty-three horses, and ten carts. With Mr. Nicollet,
Mr. Geyer, who was again our botanist, and myself, was an officer of
52
the French army, Captain BelUgny, who wished to use so good an oc-
casion to see the Indian country/ We reached the eastern shore with
all our equipage in good order, and made camp for the night at the
foot of the river hills opposite the fort. The hills leading to the prai-
rie plateau, about five hundred feet above the river, were rough and
broken into ravines. We had barely reached the upland when the
hunters came galloping in, and the shout of la vac he! la vachel rang
through the camp, everyone repeating it, and everyone excited.
A herd of buffalo had been discovered, coming down to water. In
a few moments the buffalo horses were saddled and the hunters
mounted, each with a smooth-bore, single or double-barrelled gun,
a handkerchief bound fillet-like around the head, and all in the
scantiest clothing. Conspicuous among them were Dixon and Lou-
ison. To this latter I then, and thereafter, attached myself.
My horse was a good one, an American, but grass-fed and prairie-
bred. Whether he had gained his experience among the whites or
Indians I do not know, but he was a good hunter and knew about
buffalo, and badger holes as well, and when he did get his foot into
one it was not his fault.
Now I was to see the buffalo. This was an event on which my
imagination had been dwelling. I was about to realize the tales the
mere telling of which was enough to warm the taciturn Renville
into enthusiastic expression, and to rouse all the hunter in the ex-
citable Freniere.
The prairie over which we rode was rolling, and we were able to
keep well to leeward and out of sight of the herd. Riding silently up
a short slope, we came directly upon them. Not a hundred yards be-
low us was the great, compact mass of animals, moving slowly
along, feeding as they went, and making the loud incessant grunt-
ing noise peculiar to them. There they were.
The moment's pause that we made on the summit of the slope
was enough to put the herd in motion. Instantly as we rose the hill,
they saw us. There was a sudden halt, a confused wavering move-
ment, and then a headlong rout; the hunters in their midst. How I
got down that short hillside I never knew. From the moment I saw
the herd I never saw the ground again until all was over. I remem-
ber, as the charge was made, seeing the bulls in the rear turn, then
take a few bounds forward, and then, turning for a last look, join
the headlong flight.
As they broke into the herd the hunters separated. For some in-
53
stants I saw them as they showed through the clouds of dust, but I
scarcely noticed them. I was finding out what it was to be a prairie
hunter. We were only some few miles from the river, hardly clear of
the breaks of the hills, and in places the ground still rough. But the
only things visible to me in our flying course were the buffalo and
the dust, and there was tumult in my breast as well as around me.
I made repeated ineffectual attempts to steady myself for a shot at a
cow after a hard struggle to get up with her; and each time barely
escaped a fall. In such work a man must be able to forget his horse,
but my horsemanship was not yet equal to such a proof. At the out-
set, when the hunters had searched over the herd and singled out
each his fattest cow, and made his dash upon her, the herd broke
into bands which spread over the plain. I clung to that where I
found myself, unwilling to give up, until I found that neither horse
nor man could bear the strain longer. Only some straggling groups
were in sight, loping slowly off, seemingly conscious that the chase
was over. I dismounted and reloaded, and sat down on the grass for
a while to give us both a rest. I could nowhere see any of my com-
panions, and, except that it lay somewhere to the south of where I
was, I had no idea where to look for the camp. The sun was getting
low, and I decided to ride directly west, thinking that I might reach
the river hills above the fort while there was light enough for me to
find our trail of the morning. In this way I could not miss the camp,
but for the time being I was lost.
My horse was tired and I rode slowly. He was to be my compan-
ion and reliance in a long journey, and I would not press him. The
sun went down, and there was no sign that the river was near.
While it was still light an antelope came circling round me, but I
would not fire at him. His appearance and strange conduct seemed
uncanny but companionable, and the echo to my gun might not be a
pleasant one. Long after dark I struck upon a great number of paths,
deeply worn, and running along together in a broad roadway. They
were leading directly toward the river, and I supposed, to the fort.
With my anxieties all relieved I was walking contentedly along,
when I suddenly recognized that these were buffalo-trails leading to
some accustomed great watering-place. The discovery was some-
thing of a shock, but I gathered myself together and walked on. I
had been for some time leading my horse. Toward midnight I
reached the breaks of the river hills at a wooded ravine, and just
then I saw a rocket shoot up into the sky, far away to the south.
54
That was camp, but apparently some fifteen miles distant, impossible
for me to reach by the rough way in the night around the ravines.
So I led my horse to the brink of the ravine, and going down I
found water, which, a plusieurs reprises, I brought up to him, using
my straw hat for a bucket. Taking off his saddle and bridle, and
fastening him by his long lariat to one of the stirrups, I made a pil-
low of the saddle and slept soundly until morning. He did not dis-
turb me much, giving an occasional jerk to my pillow, just enough
to let me see that all was right.
At the first streak of dawn I saddled up. I had laid my gun by
my side in the direction where I had seen the rocket, and riding
along that way, the morning was not far advanced when I saw three
men riding toward me at speed. They did not slacken their pace
until they came directly up against me, when the foremost touched
me. It was Louison Freniere. A reward had been promised by Mr.
Nicollet to the first who should touch me, and Louison won it. And
this was the end of my first buffalo hunt.
The camp gathered around all glad to see me. To be lost on the
prairie in an Indian country is a serious accident, involving many
chances, and no one was disposed to treat it lightly. Our party was
made up of men experienced in prairie and in mountain travel, ex-
posed always to unforeseen incidents.
When Freniere left the camp in search of me he had no hesitation
about where to look. In the rolling country over which the hunt lay
it would have been merely an accident to find either camp or water.
He knew I would not venture the chance, but would strike directly
for the river; and so in leaving camp he kept the open ground along
the heads of the ravines, confident that he would either find me or
my trail. He was sure I would remain on the open ground at the
first water I found. He knew, too, as I did not, that from the Fort
the valley of the river trended to the northwest, by this increasing
the distance I had to travel; still farther increased by a large bend in
which the river sweeps ofT to the westward. On the maps in com-
mon use it was nearly north and south, and had it really been so in
fact I should have reached the breaks while it was still light enough
for me to see the Fort or recognize our crossing-place, and perhaps
to find my way to the camp. All the same I had made an experience
and it had ended well.
The camp equipage being carried in carts, and not packed upon
mules, the gearing up was quickly done; but meanwhile I had time
55
for a fine piece of fat buffalo-meat standing already roasted on a
stick before the fire, and a tin cup of good coffee. My horse and I did
a fair share of walking on this day's march, and at every unusually
good spot of grass I took the bit from his mouth and let him have
the chance to recruit from the night before.
We were now on the upland of the Coteau du Missouri, here 1,960
feet above the sea. Travelling to the northeastward our camp for the
night was made by a fork of the Medicine Bow River [Medicine
Creek], the last running water our line would cross until we should
reach the waters of the Riviere a Jacques on the eastern slopes of the
plateau. On the open plains water is found only in ponds; not al-
ways permanent, and not frequent.
From the top of the hill [Medicine Butte] which gives its name
to the stream where we had encamped the view was over great
stretches of level prairie, fading into the distant horizon, and un-
broken except by the many herds of buffalo which made on it dark
spots that looked like groves of timber; here and there puffs of dust
rising from where the bulls were rolling or fighting. On these high
plains the buffalo feed contentedly, and good buffalo grass usually
marks the range where they are found. The occasional ponds give
them water, and, for them, the rivers are never far away.
This was the Fourth of July.^ I doubt if any boy in the country
found more joy in his fireworks than I did in my midnight rocket
with its silent message. Water and wood to-night were abundant,
and with plenty in camp and buffalo all around we celebrated our
independence of the outside world.
Some days were now occupied in making the crossing of the pla-
teau; our line being fixed by astronomical positions, and the level
prairie required no sketching. I spent these days with Freniere
among the buffalo. Sometimes when we had gotten too far ahead of
our caravan it was an enjoyment to lie in careless ease on the grass
by a pond and be refreshed by the breeze which carried with it the
fragrance of the prairie. Edged with grasses growing into the clear
water, and making a fresh border around them, these resting-spots
are rather lakelets than ponds.
The grand simplicity of the prairie is its peculiar beauty, and its
occurring events are peculiar and of their own kind. The uniformity
is never sameness, and in his exhilaration the voyager feels even the
occasional field of red grass waving in the breeze pleasant to his eye.
56
And whatever the object may be — whether horseman, or antelope,
or buffalo — that breaks the distant outline of the prairie, the sur-
rounding circumstances are of necessity always such as to give it a
special interest. The horseman may prove to be enemy or friend, but
the always existing uncertainty has its charm of excitement in the
one case, and the joy of the chase in the other. There is always the
suspense of the interval needed to verify the strange object; and,
long before the common man decides anything, the practised eye
has reached certainty. This was the kind of lore in which Freniere
was skilled, and with him my prairie education was continued
under a master. He was a reckless rider. Never troubling himself
about impediments, if the shortest way after his buffalo led through
a pond through it he plunged. Going after a band on one of these
days we came upon a long stretch of shallow pond that we had not
seen, and which was thickly sown with boulders half hidden in tall
grass and water. As I started to go around he shouted, "In there — in!
Tout droit! faut pas craindre le cheval." And in we went, flounder-
ing through, happily without breaking bones of ourselves or our
horses. It was not the horse that I was afraid of; I did not like that
bed of rocks and water.
Crossing the summit level of the plateau we came in sight of the
beautiful valley, here about seventy miles broad, of the Riviere a
Jacques, its scattered wooded line stretching as far as the eye could
reach. Descending the slope we saw in the distance ahead moving
objects, soon recognized as horsemen; and before these could reach
us a clump of lodges came into view. They proved to be the encamp-
ment of about a hundred Indians, to whom Dixon and Freniere
were known as traders of the Fur Company. After an exchange of
friendly greetings our camp was pitched near by. Such a rare meet-
ing is an exciting break in the uneventful Indian life; and the mak-
ing of presents gave a lively expression to the good feeling with
which they received us, and was followed by the usual Indian re-
joicing. After a conference in which our line of travel was indicated,
the chief offered Mr. Nicollet an escort, the country being uncertain,
but the offer was declined. The rendezvous for our expected rein-
forcement was not far away, and Indians with us might only prove
the occasion for an attack in the event of meeting an unfriendly
band. They had plenty of good buffalo-meat and the squaws had
gathered in a quantity of the pommes des prairies, or prairie turnips
57
{Psoralia esculenta), which is their chief vegetable food, and abun-
dant on the prairie. They sHce and dry this for ordinary and winter
use.
Travelhng down the slope of the coteau, in a descent of 750 feet
we reached the lake of "The Scattered Small Wood," a handsome
but deceptive bit of water, agreeable to the eye, but with an unpleas-
ant brackish taste.
About two years ago I received a letter, making of me some in-
quiries concerning this beautiful lake country of the Northwest.
In writing now of the region over which I had travelled, I propose
to speak of it as I had seen it, preserving as far as possible its local
coloring of the time; shutting out what I may have seen or learned
of the changes years have wrought. But, since the time of which I
am writing, I have not seen this country. Looking over it, in the
solitude where I left it, its broad valleys and great plains untenanted
as I saw and describe them, I think that the curiosity and interest
with which I read this letter, will also be felt by any who accompany
me along these pages. Under this impression, and because the writer
of the letter had followed our trail to this point — the "Lake of the
Scattered Small Wood" — I give it here:
"lowA City, Ia., February 13, 1884.
.... "This I write feeling that as you have devoted your life to
engineering and scientific pursuits, it will be at least a gratification
to receive a letter upon such subjects as are connected with what you
have done. It has been my fortune to locate and construct railway
lines for the Chicago & Northwestern Railway in Minnesota and
Dakota, in doing which I have surveyed not less than three thou-
sand miles of line, and in so doing have passed over a very large extent
of the surface of that region. While doing this work I have been led
to inquire into the climate of that remarkable region. I visited many
places which you in 1838 discovered and named. Among these are
Lakes Benton and Hendricks, the first about twenty miles north of
the famous 'Red Pipe Stone Quarry,' a very fine sheet of water,
along the south shore of which I located the railroad, and there has
sprung up a fine town called Lake Benton. West of this, in Dakota,
and on the west side of the Big Sioux River, is a lake region, to
many of the lakes in which you gave names, and it is to this locality
that I wish to particularly call your attention. These lakes bear the
names of Thompson, Whitewood, Preston, Te-tonka-ha, Abert
58
(now changed to Albert), Poinsett, and Kampeska. The last named
is at the head of the Big Sioux, and Poinsett a few miles to the south-
ward.
"When I constructed the Dakota Central Railway in 1879-80, all
these lakes excepting Thompson, Poinsett, and Kampeska, were dry;
and it took me a long time and no small research to ascertain when
they last held water. They had been known to be dry for the twenty-
five years preceding 1879, or at least persons who had lived there or in
the vicinity for twenty-five years said that the lakes were dry when
they came into the locality, and had, with numerous smaller ones,
been dry ever since; and all who knew about them had a theory
that they had dried up long since, and that they never would fill
again ; but I found old Frenchmen who had seen these lakes full of
water in 1843-46, and I, in studying over the matter, found that you
had seen and named them in 1836-38 [1838-39], and I would thank
you very much if you will take the time and trouble to describe them
to me as you saw them then.
"I came very near locating the railroad line through Lake Preston,
for the head men of the railroad company believed that it had dried
up for all time; but on my presenting the testimony of certain reli-
able voyageurs, they allowed me to go around it. It was well that
they did, for the winter of 1880-81 gave a snow-fall such as had not
been seen since the years 1843-44, and in the spring of 1881 all these
lakes filled up, bank full, and have continued so ever since. I had the
pleasure of comparing my engineer's levels for elevation above the
sea with your barometer determination at Fort Pierre on the Mis-
souri River. Your altitude was 1,450 feet, mine was 1,437, the differ-
ence 13 feet. My determination is within the limits of — 6 feet.
The distance over which my levels were taken was 680 miles,
and were well checked. I also followed up your trail as you marched
from Fort Pierre northeasterly to the 'Scattered Small Wood Lake.'
I was so successful as to verify your barometer reading in several in-
stances by checking with mine, and in no case found over 15 feet
difference between us, and that always in the same relation as at
Fort Pierre. Hoping that you will excuse this long letter, and that
you may be able to tell me if those lakes were dry when you saw
them, or otherwise, and add any other information you see fit,
"I am, truly yours,
"C. W. Irish,' C. E. "
59
The next day we reached the Riviere a Jacques, at the Talle de
Chenes, a clump of oaks which was the rendezvous where our ex-
pected reinforcement was to meet us. The river valley here is about
seventy miles wide. Observations made during the four days that
we remained at the Talle de Chenes place it in latitude 45° 16' 34'",
longitude 98° 7 45", and the elevation above the sea 1,341 feet. At
the end of this time, no one appearing, the party again took up the
line of march, and, following the right bank, on the evening of the
14th encamped near the mouth of Elm River. This river and its
forks are well timbered, and for the reason that they furnish lire-
wood and shelter, Indian hunting parties make it their winter cross-
ing-place on the way westward after buffalo on the Missouri plateau.
On the high plains the winter storms are dangerous. Many tales
are told of hunters caught out in a poudrerie with no timber near,
when it is impossible to see one's way, and every landmark is oblit-
erated or hidden by the driving snow. At such times the hunter
has no other resource than to dig for himself a hole in the snow,
leaving only a breathing-place above his head, and to remain in it
wrapped in his blankets until the storm passes over; when, putting
on the dry socks and moccasins which he always carries, he makes
for the nearest wood.
The bufifalo herds, when caught in such storms and no timber in
sight, huddle together in compact masses, all on the outside crowd-
ing and fighting to get to the inside; and so, kept warm by the
struggling, incessant motion, the snow meanwhile being stamped
away under their feet, protect themselves from the fiercest storms.
For several days we travelled up the valley of the Jacques, making
astronomical stations, and collecting material for Mr. Nicollet's
map. Occasionally, to the same end, I was detached, with Dixon or
Freniere, on topographical excursions, which gave me a good gen-
eral knowledge of the country along the route. At the Butte aux Os
(Bone Hill), in latitude 46° 2/37", longitude 98° 8' elevation above
the sea 1,400 feet, we left the Riviere a Jacques, or Chaii-sansan , its
valley extending apparently far in a course to west of north, and in
a few miles we reached the height of land which separates it from
the Shayen [Sheyenne] River. This is a tributary to the Red River
of the North, and was formerly the home of the Shayens, to-day
written Cheyennes. In the incessant wars between the various tribes
of this region the Shayens were driven from their country over the
Missouri River south to where they now are.
6o
The summit of the plateau was only 1,460 feet above the sea. Here
we regained the great prairie plains, and here we saw in their mag-
nificent multitudes the grand buffalo herds on their chief range.
They were moving southwestwardly, apparently toward the plains
of the upper Missouri. For three days we were in their midst, travel-
ling through them by day and surrounded by them at night. We
could not avoid them. Evidently some disturbing cause had set them
in motion from the north. It was necessary to hobble some of our
animals and picket them all, and keep them close in to prevent any
of them from making off with the buffalo, when they would have
been irretrievably lost. Working through the herds it was decided,
in order to get more out of their way, to make a temporary halt for
a day or two on the Tampa, a small stream flowing into the Shayen.
On the second day after, Dixon and Freniere came in with three
Indians from a party which had been reconnoitring our camp. They
belonged to a hunting village of some three hundred lodges, who
were out making buffalo-meat and were just about arranging for a
grand "surround." It would have been dangerous to risk breaking
in upon this, as might easily happen in our ignorance of the locality
and their plans. To avert mischief Freniere, on the third day, rode
over to the village with a message requesting their chiefs to indicate
the time and route for our march. In consequence we were invited
to come on to their encampment. Pushing our way through the
crowds of buffalo, we were met in the afternoon by two of the chiefs
who escorted us to the village and pointed out the place for our
camp. We found the encampment made up of about three hundred
lodges of various tribes — Yanktons, Yankton [ais], and Sissitons —
making about two thousand Indians.
The representations of our guides had insured us a most friendly
reception. We were invited to eat in the lodges of different chiefs;
the choicest, fattest pieces of buffalo provided for us, and in return
they were invited to eat at our camp. The chiefs sat around in a
large circle on buffalo robes or blankets, each provided with a deep
soup plate and spoon of tin. The first dish was a generous pot-au-feu,
principally of fat bufl^alo meat and rice. No one would begin until
all the plates were filled. When all was ready the feast began. With
the first mouthful each Indian silently laid down his spoon, and
each looked at the other. After a pause of bewilderment the inter-
preter succeeded in having the situation understood. Mr. Nicollet
had put among our provisions some Swiss cheese, and to give flavor
6i
to the soup a liberal portion of this had been put into the kettles.
Until this strange flavor was accounted for the Indians thought they
were being poisoned; but, the cheese being shown to them, and ex-
planation made, confidence was restored; and by the aid of several
kettles of water well sweetened with molasses, and such other tempt-
ing delicatessen as could be produced from our stores, the dinner
party went on and terminated in great good humor and general
satisfaction.
The next day they made their surround. This was their great
summer hunt when a provision of meat was made for the year, the
winter hunting being in smaller parties. The meat of many fat cows
was brought in, and the low scaffolds on which it was laid to be sun-
dried were scattered over all the encampment. No such occasion as
this was to be found for the use of presents, and the liberal gifts dis-
tributed through the village heightened their enjoyment of the feast-
ing and dancing, which was prolonged through the night. Friendly
relations established, we continued our journey.
Having laid down the course of the river by astronomical stations,
during three days' travel; we crossed to the left bank and directed
our road toward the Devil's Lake, which was the ultimate object of
the expedition. The Indian name of the lake is Mini-wakan, the En-
chanted Water; converted by the whites into Devil's Lake.
Our observations placed the river where we left it in latitude 47
46' 29", longitude 98° 13' 30", and elevation above the sea 1,328 feet;
the level of the bordering plateaus being about one hundred and
sixty feet above the river.
In our journey along this river, mosquitoes had infested the camp
in such swarms and such pertinacity that the animals would quit
feeding and come up to the fires to shelter themselves in the smoke.
So virulent were they that to eat in any quiet was impossible, and we
found it necessary to use the long green veils, which to this end had
been recommended to us by the fur traders. Tied around our straw
hats the brims kept the veils from our faces, making a space within
which the plates could be held; and behind these screens we con-
trived to eat without having the food uncomfortably flavored by
mosquito sauce piquante.
After a short day's march of fourteen miles we made our first
camp on this famous war and hunting ground, four miles from the
Mini-wa\an. Early in the day's march we had caught sight of the
woods and hills bordering the lake, among them being conspicuous
62
a heart-shaped hill near the southern shore. The next day after an
hour's march we pitched our camp at the head of a deep bay not far
from this hill. To this the Indians have given the name of the
"Heart of the Enchanted Water',' by the v^^hites translated "Heart of
the Devil's Lake."
At a wooden lake of fresh water near last night's camp on the
plateau we had found traces of a large encampment which had been
recently abandoned. The much-trodden ground and trails all round
showed that a large party had been here for several weeks. From
many cart-wheel tracks and other signs our guides recognized it as
a hunting camp of the Metis, or Bois-Brules, of the Red River of the
North; and the deep ruts cut by the wheels showed that the carts
had received their full load, and that the great hunt of the year was
over. It was this continuous and widespread hunt that had put in
motion the great herds through which we had passed.
Among other interesting features of the northwest we had heard
much from our guides about these people and their buffalo hunts;
and to have just missed them by a few days only was quite a dis-
appointment.
The home of the Half-breeds is at Pembina in British North
America. They are called indifferently Metis or Half-breeds, Bois-
Brules, and Gens litres or Free People of the North. The Half-
breeds themselves are in greater part the descendants of French
Canadian traders and others who, in the service of the Fur Com-
pany, and principally of the Northwest Company of Montreal, had
been stationed at their remote forts, or scattered over the northwest
Indian country in gathering furs. These usually took local wives
from among the Indian women of the different tribes, and their
half Indian children grew up to a natural life of hunting and kin-
dred pursuits, in which their instincts gave them unusual skill.
The Canadian engages of the company who had remained in the
country after their term of service had expired were called Free
Canadians; and, from their association with the Half-breeds came
also the name of Gens litres. They were prominently concerned in a
singular event which occurred in British America about a quarter of
a century before the time of which I am writing. In the rivalry be-
tween the Hudson's Bay Company and the Northwest Fur and
Trading Company of Montreal, the Half-breeds were used by the
Northwest Company in their successful attempts to destroy a Scotch
colony which had been planted by the Earl of Selkirk^ on the Red
63
River of the North at its confluence with the Assiniboine, about
forty miles above Lake Winnipeg. The colony was founded upon a
grant of land made to the Earl by the Hudson's Bay Company in
1811; and about a hundred immigrants were settled at the Forks in
1812, reaching to some two hundred in 1814. This was called the
Kildonan settlement, from a parish in the County of Sutherland
which had been the home of the immigrants. In August of 1815 it was
entirely broken up by the Northwest Company, and the settlers
driven away and dispersed. During the following winter and spring
the colony was re-established, and in prosperous condition when it was
attacked by a force of Half-breeds, under officers of the Northwest
Company, and some twenty unresisting persons killed; includ-
ing Mr. [Robert] Semple, the Governor of the Hudson's Bay Com-
pany and five of his officers. In the course of this contest there were
acts of a savage brutality, not repugnant, perhaps, to the usages of
the Indian country where they were perpetrated, but unknown
among civilized men. The opposition made to the colony by the
Northwest Company was for the declared reason that "Colonization
was unfavorable to the Fur Trade:" their policy was to hold the
great part of a continent as a game preserve for the benefit solely of
their trade.
The colony was revived when the Northwest was merged in the
Hudson's Bay Company, and reoccupied its old site at the Forks of
Red River; the settlements extending gradually southward along
the banks of the river. The grants of land which had been made to
the colonists by the Earl of Selkirk held good under the general
grant made to him by the Hudson's Bay Company in 1811, and have
been so maintained.
Meantime the Half-breeds had been increasing in number; and,
as the buffalo have receded before the settlements in British America,
they made their hunting expeditions to the plains around the Devil's
Lake. With them, the two important events of the year are the
buffalo hunts which they come to these plains to make. They bring
with them carts built to carry each the meat of ten buffalo, which
they make into pemmican. This consists of the meat dried by fire or
sun, coarsely pounded and mixed with melted fat, and packed into
skin sacks. It is of two qualities; the ordinary pemmican of com-
merce, being the meat without selection, and the finer, in small
sacks, consisting of the choicest parts kneaded up with the marrow.
64
Buffalo tongues, pemmican, and robes, constitute chiefly their trade
and support.
When making their hunts the party is usually divided; one-half
to hunt, the other to guard the camp. Years ago they were much
harassed by the Indians of the various tribes who frequented these
buffalo grounds as much to fight as to hunt. But as a result of these
conflicts with the Half-breeds the Indians were always obliged to go
into mourning; and gradually they had learned to fight shy of these
people and of late years had ceased to molest them. They are good
shots and good riders, and have a prairie-wide reputation for skill
in hunting and bravery in fighting.
We remained on the Devil's Lake over a week, during which
three stations were made along the southern shore, giving for the
most northern latitude 47° 59^ 29", and for longitude 98° 28'. Our ba-
rometer gave for the top of the "Enchanted Hill" 1,766 feet above
the sea, for the plateau 1,486 feet, and for the lake 1,476 feet. It is a
beautiful sheet of water, the shores being broken into pleasing ir-
regularity by promontories and many islands. As in some other
lakes on the plateau, the water is brackish, but there are fish in it;
and it is doubtless much freshened by the rains and melting snows of
the spring. No outlet was found, but at the southern end there are low
grounds by which at the season of high waters the lake may discharge
into the Shayen River. This would put it among the sources of the Red
River. The most extended view of its waters obtainable from any
of the surrounding hills seemed to reach about forty miles in a
northwesterly direction. Accompanied by Dixon or Freniere, I was
sent off on several detached excursions to make out what I could of
the shape and size of the lake. On one of these I went for a day's
journey along the western shore, but was unable in the limited time
to carry my work to the northern end. Toward nightfall we found
near the shore good water and made there our camp in open
ground. Nothing disturbed our rest for several hours, when we
were roused by a confused heavy trampling and the usual grunting
sounds which announced buffalo. We had barely time to get our
animals close in and to throw on dry wood and stir up the fire be-
fore the herd was upon us. They were coming to the lake for water,
and the near ones being crowded forward by those in the rear and
disregarding us, they were nigh going directly over us. By shouting
and firing our pieces, we succeeded in getting them to make a little
65
space, in which they kept us as they crowded down into the lake.
The brackish, salty water, is what these animals like, and to turn the
course of such a herd from water at night would be impossible.
Unwieldy as he looks, the buffalo bull moves with a suddenness
and alertness that make him at close quarters a dangerous antago-
nist. Freniere and I being together one day, we discovered a bull
standing in the water of a little lake near the shore, and we rode up
to see what he was doing there alone. "He may be sick," said
Freniere. As we approached we noticed that he was watching us
inquiringly, his head high up, with intention, as a bull in an arena.
As we got abreast of him within a few yards, he made two or
three quick steps toward us and paused. "Ohol bonjour camarade,"
Freniere called out, and moved his horse a little away. My attention
for an instant was diverted to my riata, which was trailing, when the
bull made a dash at us. I made an effort to get out of his range, but
my horse appeared to think that it was in the order of proceeding
for me first to fire. A rough graze to his hind quarters which stag-
gered him made him see that the bull had decided to take this par-
ticular affair into his own hands, or horns, and under the forcible
impression he covered a rod or two of ground with surprising celer-
ity; the bull meanwhile continuing his course across the prairie
without even turning his head to look at us. Concluding that it was
not desirable to follow up our brief acquaintance, we too continued
our way. A good hunter does not kill merely for the sake of killing.
The outward line of the expedition being closed, our route was
now turned eastward across the plateau toward the valley of the Red
River of the North. The first night was passed at a small fresh-water
lake near the Lake of the Serpents, which is salt; and on August 7th
we encamped again on the Shayen-oju. Continuing east, we crossed
next day the height of land at an elevation of 1,500 feet above sea
level, and a few miles farther came in view of the wide-spread valley
of the Red River, its greea wooded line extending far away to the
north on its way to British America. From this point, travelling
southerly, a week was spent in sketching and determining positions
among the head-waters of its tributaries; and on August 14th we
descended again to the valley of the Shayen and recrossed that river
at an elevation of 1,228 feet above the sea, its course not many
miles below curving northeast to the Red River. Two days later we
reached the Lake of the Four Hills, about a hundred feet above the
river. This lake is near the foot of the ascent to the Reipahan, or
66
Head of the Coteau des Prairies. We ascended the slope to the high-
est point at the head of the Coteau, where the elevation was 2,000
feet above the sea and the width of the Coteau about twenty miles.
In its extension to the south it reaches, in about a hundred and fifty
miles, a breadth of forty miles; sloping abruptly on the west to the
great plains of the Riviere a Jacques, and on the east to the prairies
of the Mini-sotah River. Here we spent several days in the basin of
the beautiful lakes which make the head-waters of the Mini-sotah of
the Mississippi River, and the Tchankasndata or Sioux River of the
Missouri. The two groups of lakes are near together, occupying ap-
parently the same basin, with a slight rise between; the Mini-sotah
group being the northern. They lie in a depression or basin, from
150 to 300 feet below the rim of the Coteau, full of clear living water,
often partially wooded; and, having sometimes a sandy beach or
shore strewed with boulders, they are singularly charming natural
features. These were pleasant camping-grounds — wood was abun-
dant, the water was good, and there were fish in the lakes.
From the lake region we descended 800 or 900 feet to the lower
prairies, and took up our march for the residence of our friends the
Renvilles.
Some well employed time was devoted here to make examinations
of the Big Stone and other lakes, and to making observations and
collecting materials to render Mr. Nicollet's projected map of this
region as nearly complete as practicable. In all these excursions we
had the effective aid of the Renvilles, whose familiar knowledge of
the country enabled us to economize both labor and time.
The autumn was far advanced when we took our leave of this
post. That year the prairie flowers had been exceptional in lux-
uriance and beauty. The rich lowlands near the house were radiant
with asters and golden-rod, and memory chanced to associate these
flowers, as the last thing seen, with the place. Since then I have not
been in that country or seen the Renvilles; but still I never see the
golden-rod and purple asters in handsome bloom, without thinking
of that hospitable refuge on the far northern prairies.
Some additional examinations on the water-shed of the Mini-sotah
and along the Mississippi closed the labors of these expeditions; and
at nightfall early in November I landed at Prairie du Chien in a
bark canoe, with a detachment of our party.^ A steamboat at the
landing was firing up and just about starting for St. Louis, but we
thought it would be pleasant to rest a day or two and enjoy comfort-
67
able quarters while waiting for the next boat. But the next boat
was in the spring, for next morning it was snowing hard, and the
river was frozen from bank to bank. I had time enough while there
to learn two things: one, how to skate; the other, the value of a day.
After some weeks of wagon journey through Illinois, in a severe
winter, we reached St. Louis; when, after the party had been cared
for, I went on to Washington to assist Mr. Nicollet in working up
the material collected in the expeditions.
MEMOIRS, 38-54.
1. Etienne Provost (ca. 1782-1850), one of the best known of the mountain
men of his time. His name is spelled many ways (as in Provo, Utah), and as
he did not write, we do not know his preference. He was with the Chouteau-
DeMun trading venture to the Rockies in 1815-17, exploiting the fur re-
sources of the Platte and upper Arkansas rivers. A few years later he had
moved to the Great Basin, and he has been credited with the discovery of
Great Salt Lake — though men from the Hudson's Bay Company may have
preceded him. He had contacts with William H. Ashley but was never associ-
ated with him as a partner, and was employed by the American Fur Company
for a number of years. He ascended the Missouri with John James Audubon
in 1843. For biographies, see anderson, 343-51, and l. hafen [3], 6:371-85.
Louis Zindel was a new immigrant when he signed on with Nicollet. Upon
returning to St. Louis he opened a grocery store at 128 Market Street, but
joined JCF again in 1843 for his expedition to California and Oregon. He
made tents for the expedition of 1845 but did not join it, and later moved to
Keokuk, Iowa, to continue in the grocery trade. From an examination of the
vouchers, it seems probable that the other three men who signed on at St.
Louis were Joseph Fournaise, Francois Latulippe, and Joseph Chartran.
2. The Antelope was making her second voyage up the Missouri, having
gone as far as Fort Union the previous year. But she drew too much water
for the shallow reaches of the upper river, and on this trip she would fall 400
miles short of her destination— Fort Union again (sunder, 21). Besides the
Nicollet party, she carried fur company officials John F. A. Sanford, William
Laidlaw, and James Kipp. The famed missionary, Father Pierre-Jean de
Smet, would board at Council Bluffs to ride as far as the Vermillion River
(NICOLLET, 41-42). A second vessel, the Pirate, which started up river ahead
of the Antelope carrying supplies for the Nicollet party, struck a snag and
sank a few miles below Council Bluffs. A chart of the river prepared by
Nicollet and JCF, now in the Nicollet Papers, DLC, indicates the location of
the wreck.
3. At the present site of Pierre, S.D. While there is no journal of the voyage
to this point, the large-scale charts of the river give a good account of the trip,
as they show dates and places of encampment.
4. The men mentioned by JCF include William F. P. May (ca. 1797-1855),
an independent fur trader for more than thirty years on the upper Missouri,
the Platte, and apparently in the Santa Fe trade ( Christopher & hafen).
William Dickson, a son of fur trader Robert Dickson, served as an Indian
interpreter among the Sioux at times, and in 1835 was in charge of an Ameri-
can Fur Company post near the James River. JCF notes its location on the
68
charts of the river in the DNA. Louison Freniere had been hired 10 July
1838 by P. D. Papin as a clerk and interpreter. He was a Sioux half-breed,
later to serve as interpreter for the upper Missouri agency. It is doubtful
that Captain Belligny was on this expedition (see Doc. No. 5, note 2).
5. Near Blunt, in Hughes County, S.D. The expedition will now strike off
to the northeast, passing south of the Scatterwood Lakes in Faulk County,
and reaching the James River 10 July. By 14 July they will reach Sand Lake
in Brown County, cross into present North Dakota on 16 July, and two days
later leave the James and strike out northeast toward the Sheyenne River.
Then they will proceed northward, first along the Sheyenne and then over-
land (passing a lake which they will name Lake Jessie when they eventually
make their map) and arriving in the Devils Lake area of North Dakota on
27 July. From here the party will head south again, following along the
eastern side of the Coteau, to the headwaters of the Minnesota. The Nicollet
map does not show dates or routes from this point, but JCF says the party
visited again with the Renvilles at Lac qui Parle, investigating lakes in the
area, and that the autumn was well advanced when they started down the Min-
nesota for Fort Snelling. For detailed comment on the route in the Dakotas,
see STEVENS.
6. Charles W. Irish (1834-1904), pioneer setder in Iowa City, not only
surveyed and supervised the construction of many railroad lines, but also
served under President Grover Cleveland as chief of the Bureau of Irrigation.
He later became deputy mining surveyor of Nevada (see obituary notice,
Annals of Iowa, ser. 3, 6 [1903-5] :639).
7. Thomas Douglas, fifth Earl of Selkirk (1771-1820).
8. Nicollet had reached Prairie du Chien before 14 Oct. and was expecting to
descend the Mississippi with JCF, who would arrive in two or three days (Nicol-
let to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Co., 14 Oct. 1839, MoSHi). The coming of winter,
however, seems to have forced him to proceed to St. Louis without Fremont as he
feared ice would close the river as it had in Nov. 1838 (see letters of Nicollet
to Sibley, Washington, 26 April 1840, and Hercules L. Dousman to Sibley, 20
Nov. 1838, MnHi— Sibley Papers).
23. Financial Records, 1839
[31 Dec. 1839]
Quarter Ending 31 March 1839
Voucher No. 1, Baltimore, 9 Feb. 1839
U.S. to Brantz Mayer
1 Troughton's reflecting circle and stand 150.00
Brantz Mayer (1809-79), a Baltimore lawyer, historian, and one of the
founders of the Maryland Historical Society.
69
Voucher No. 2, New
York.
27 Feb. 1839
U.S. to A.
Bininger
&Co.
20 lbs Dresden chocolate
20.00
1 boxes sardines
7.50
1 Stilton cheese
6.25
2 boxes Andoulettes
4.00
3 lbs Bermuda arrowroot
3.31
8 bottles superior old port
4 bottles brandy
2 bottles raspberry brandy
2 bottles fleur d'orange
8.00
4.00
1.50
1.25
55.81
In 1846-47, A. Bininger & Co. was a firm of grocers at 141 Broadway, New
York.
Voucher No. 3, New Yor\, 27 Feb. 1839
U.S. to E. & G. W. Blunt
1 chronometer balance watch by Amdd [.'^] & Dent, No.
4632 220.00
Edmund and George W. Blunt specialized in books and charts, and handled
all nautical instruments of American manufacture. In 1846-47, the firm was
located at 179 Water Street, New York,
Voucher No. 4 {U.S. to E. &■ G. W. Blunt) [not present^
Voucher No. 5, New Yor\, 27 Feb. 1839
U.S. to E. & G. W. Blunt
1 camera lucida 18.00
Voucher No. 6, New YorJ^, 27 Feb. 1839
U.S. to E. & G. W. Blunt
1 English nautical almanac for 1839 2.50
1 American nautical almanac for 1839 1.50
1 English nautical almanac for 1840 2.50
"650
70
Voucher No. 7, New York, 27 Feb. 1839
U.S. to E. dr G. W. Blunt
1 variation chart 3.00
Voucher No. 8, Baltimore, 4 March 1839
U.S. to James Green
8 pocket thermometers 16.00
2 of the same 5.00
1 compass in gimbals 5.00
5 lbs. quicksilver 8.75
3475
Voucher No. 9, {Baltimore^, 4 March 1839
U.S. to Edward ]en}{ins and Sons
20 yards gum elastic cloth 25.00
In 1839, the Baltimore firm of Edward Jenkins and Sons, "importers of
saddlery," was at 147 and 148 Baltimore Street. Some sixty years later the firm
was still in business, located at 21 Hanover.
Voucher No. 10, Baltimore, 4 March 1839
U.S. to Fielding Lucas, Jr.
2 airtight ink stands 2.00
1 doz. Cohen's pencils 1.25
I ea. 3H and 4H Jackson's pens 2.62^
9 pieces India rubber .37^
1 bunch quills 1.00
4 2-quire cap quartos 1.50
1 3-quire cap No. 1 paper 1.50
1 quire super quarto port [folio] .37^
1 each 2- and 3-quire demi quarto 3.00
2 small blank books .75
logarithm tables, Callet 5.00
19.37i
Fielding Lucas, Jr. (1781-1854), a publisher of fine books and maps, sup-
plier of "every article used in books, newspaper, and job offices," had earlier
been a partner in the Baltimore firm of Conrad, Lucas, and Co., book pub-
lishers. See FOSTER.
71
Voucher No. 11, Baltimore, 5 March 1839
U.S. to Stockton, Falls & Co.
Freight of instruments and stores from Baltimore to Wheeling 13.00
In 1842, the general stage offices of Stockton and Falls and Co. were at the
Baltimore & Ohio depot on Pratt Street.
Voucher No. 12, St. Louis, 20 March 1839
U.S. to Collier & Pettus
153 lbs. dried beef 19.89
4 half bbls. pilot bread 10.00
1 box .50
30.39
Collier & Pettus were wholesale grocers and forwarding and commission
merchants, 14 Front Street, St. Louis,
Voucher No. 13, St. Louis, 22 March 1839
U.S. to S. W. Meech
\ ream blue wove cap 1.50
\ ream white letter 1.38
2 quires envelope paper .75
1 4-quire half-bound record 1.50
1 2-quire 1 /bound blanks 2.00
1 card steel pens 1.00
1 box wafers .13
1 screw top ink stand .75
4 bottles Japan ink 1.00
6 reams mapping paper 12.00
2 rulers .50
4 papers of ink powder -50
1 4-quire demy record 4.00
4 binder's boards covered with leather 3.00
covering two boards with leather .75
2 binder's boards .25
binding 2 vols, geology & botany 1.87
box for packing mapping paper 1.00
33.88
S. W. Meech was proprietor of the Franklin Bookstore, St. Louis.
72
Voucher No. 14, St. Louis, 22 March 1839
U.S. to Mueller & Ktngpeter
21 March 1839
1 trunk 4.50
1 case for telescope 2.25
6 straps for herbarium 1.50
825
This St. Louis firm was listed in 1840-41 as Miller & Kinzpeter, saddlers
and harnessmakers, at 53 S. Second Street.
Voucher No. 15, St. Louis, 21 March 1839
U.S. to A. W. Kruger
1 German cavalry bridle, martingale and crupper 15.00
A. W. Kruger not identified.
Voucher No. 16, St. Louis, 22 March 1839
U.S. to H. L. Zierlein
1 rifle 20.00
Henry L. Zierlein (1799-1864), a Prussian, became one of the first German
hardware merchants in St. Louis.
Voucher No. 17, St. Louis, 23 March 1839
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
On account of services rendered as chief of the North West
Exploring Expedition 1000.00
Voucher No. 18, St. Louis, 19 March 1839
U.S. to R. Simpson
24 lbs. chocolate 4.80
This merchant may be Dr. Robert Simpson (1785-1873), who operated
a store in this period but who earlier had served in the Army as a surgeon. He
had come to the Mississippi Valley in 1809 from Maryland, ordered to serve
the troops at the newly constructed Fort Madison. After resigning in 1812
he started a medical practice in St. Louis, and also operated a drug store. See
scHARF, 2:1520; billon, 244, 341; jackson [3], 25-26.
73
Voucher No. 19, St. Louis, 23 March 1839
U.S. to ]. E. Flandin
Transportation of stores and instruments from New York to
Baltimore 3.75
Voucher No. 20, St. Louis, 25 March 1839
U.S. to Charles Reshiner
23 Jan. 1839
1 sextant cleaned and varnished 20.00
1 magnifying glass and movement 5.00
1 mahogany box 8.00
2 barometers filled, and new^ tubes 5.00
15 Feb.
1 brass frame to magnifying glass .75
1 magnifying glass with wood frame 1.00
16 March
1 artificial horizon repaired 1.00
cleaning vertical circle 3.00
22 March
cleaning telescope .75
magnifying glass and tube to small sextant 2.50
2 leather cases for barometers 4.00
2 leather cases altered 1.00
1 leather case for sextant 4.00
56.00
We have not identified Charles Reshiner or Ryhiner, or F. Ryhiner (see
voucher no. 15 below^).
Voucher No. 21, St. Louis, 25 March 1839
U.S. to Chas. A. Geyer
For services 100.00
Endorsed by JCF: "Mr. Geyer was appointed by the War Department as
assistant to J. N. Nicollet Esqr., appointment bearing date 1st March 1839."
In another hand: "at $2.00 per day from the 10th March to the 29th April
inclusive." Another endorsement by JCF: "The amount was paid in advance
to enable Mr. Geyer to procure his outfit. . . ."
74
Voucher No. 22, St. Louis, 25 March 1839
U.S. to H. H el gen berg
1 sledge hammer 2.50
1 small hammer 1-00
1 small grubbing hoe 2.00
2 stone chisels 2.00
1 pruning [ ?] rod 1-^0
9.00
Certified: "I certify that the above amount is Correct. C. Fremont." Both
the certification and signature are in the hand of Jessie Benton Fremont, and
probably were not added until at least late 1841. Henry Helgenberg first ap-
pears in a St. Louis directory in 1842, listed as a grocer on Carondelet Avenue
between Bridge and Wood.
Voucher No. 23, St. Louis, 22 March 1839
U.S. to Charles A. Geyer
For services 16.00, drayage 1.00 17.00
With endorsements similar to those for no. 21, indicating service at 2.00
per day from 1 to 8 March inclusive.
Voucher No. 24, St. Louis, 28 March 1839
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
On account of services rendered as chief of the North West
Exploring Expedition. 100.00
Voucher No. 25, St. Louis, 29 March 1839
U.S. to f. S. Page
1 cord and tassels for flag .87|
No firm by this name is listed in the St. Louis directory for 1838-39, and it
may be an error for J. S. Pease & Company — importers and dealers in hard-
ware, cutlery, etc. at 20 N. First Street.
Voucher No. 26, St. Louis, 29 March 1839
U.S. to Henry Chouteau
1 box hams and bacon 43.50
1 keg butter 11.20
1 box port wine, 12 bottles 8.00
75
1 box sperm candles 14.88
drayage -25
77.83
Voucher No. 27, St. Louis, 29 March 1839
U.S. to Chouteau & Barlow
25 March 1839
3 bed cords 1.50
2 tea kettles 3.50
2 [boxes] percussion caps 1.25
2 frying pans 2.00
2 cork screws .75
2 doz. knives and forks 4.00
3 loaves sugar 4.10
1 tin cup -75
4 canisters 2.00
1 [ ] plates 1.00
2 coffee pots 3.00
2 lanterns 1-00
3 lbs. saleratus .75
2 doz. matches 1.00
1 doz. spoons 1.12
2 wash basins .75
2 sauce pans 2.00
1 saw 1.25
2 spades 2.50
34.22
Chouteau and Barlow, grocers and dry goods and commission merchants,
were at Front and Market Streets, St. Louis, in 1838-39.
Voucher No. 28, St. Louis, 29 March 1839
U.S. to E. & J. C. Bredell
1 crimson scarf 1.75
Edward and John C. Bredell, brothers, were dry goods merchants at Main
and Market Streets, St. Louis.
76
Voucher No. 29, St. Louis, 29 March 1839
U.S. to Gaty, Coonce &- Beltshoover
[An illegible voucher involving materials for making rockets,
including brass items, three rammers, and other items, total-
ing 28.75].
Samuel Gaty (b. 1811) was chief partner in a foundry firm known vari-
ously as Gaty & Coonce; Gaty, Coonce & Morton; and Gaty, Coonce & Belt-
shoover. Gaty made the first casting in St. Louis and the first steam engine
west of the Mississippi (scharf, 1:666-68).
Voucher No. 30, St. Louis, 30 March 1839
U.S. to Mrs. E. Lyons
Making 2 mosquito bars 3.00
making liner for same 1.50
making scarf for flag 1.00
^50
In 1840, an E. Lyons family ran a fancy goods store at 24 Market Street,
St. Louis.
Voucher No. 31, St. Louis, 29 March 1839
U.S. to Taylor & Marshall
J yard Tibet merino 1.25
In 1841, Taylor and Marshall were dealers in staple and fancy dry goods,
Main and Pine Streets, St. Louis.
Voucher No. 32, St. Louis, 30 March 1839
U.S. to George Engelmann, M.D.
Set of chemical tests in a box with blowpipe 8.50
6 [. . .] 18.00
medicines, emetics, pills 3.50
bottle of camphor 1.50
31.50
Voucher No. 33, St. Louis, 30 March 1839
U.S. to Jaccard &• Co.
Cleaning and repairing one gold patent duplex watch 8.00
3 common keys .37^
77
1 guard chain 3>1\
2 watch glasses 2.00
cleaning and repairing silver watch 4.00
1475"
Until 1848, Louis Jaccard was a principal owner of the jewelry house of
Jaccard & Co., St. Louis (scharf, 2:1320).
Second, Third, and Fourth Quarters, 1839
Voucher No. 1, St. Louis, 1 April 1839
U.S. to Carstens & Schuetze
[Illegible bill, including 15 lbs. saltpeter for 3.00, and 2 lbs.
sulfur.] 4.81
Carstens and Schuetze, 168 Main Street, St. Louis, were wholesale druggists
and apothecaries.
Voucher No. 2, St. Louis, 1 April 1839
U.S. to S. Wing & Co.
30 tin grenade cases 11.25
S. Wing & Co., 21 N. First Street, is listed as tin manufacturer and dealer
in the St. Louis directory for 1842.
Voucher No. 3, St. Louis, Mo., 2 April 1839
U.S. to Mead & Adriance
2 pair gilt flag tassels 7.00
In 1839, Mead and Adriance were dealers in clocks, watches, jewelry, and
military and fancy goods, at the corner of First and Pine Streets, St. Louis.
Voucher No. 4, St. Louis, 3 April 1839
U.S. to George Engelmann, M.D.
2 bottles soda of tartaric acid 2.00
sharpening lancets -25
225
78
Voucher No. 5, St. Louis, 3 April 1839
U.S. to Grimsley & Young
2 Spanish saddles 15.00
1 bridle 2.50
1 black leather belt ^
18.00
Grimsley and Young made saddles, harness, and trunks for the wholesale
and retail trade, 37 Main Street, St. Louis.
Voucher No. 6, St. Louis, 4 April 1839
U.S. to J. E. Flan din
To cash advanced for paper, etc. 2.00
cleaning rifle 2.50
tent poles H-OO
drayage 1-50
powder __l
16.75
Voucher No. 7, St. Louis, 5 April 1839
U.S. to J. E. Flandin
gun and case 55.00
compensation for service from 4 March to 5 April @ 2.00 66.00
121.00
Voucher No. 8, Fort Pierre, 25 June 1839
U.S. to J. Baptiste Dorion
1 bay horse 140.00
Jean Baptiste Dorion, the interpreter at Fort Pierre when the Nicollet party
stopped there, was the son of Pierre Dorion (ca. 1750-1810), who served with
Lewis and Clark, and the brother of Pierre Dorion, Jr., who guided the
Astorians to Oregon and was killed there by Indians in 1813 (robinson,
13:46-48).
Voucher No. 9, Lac du Brochet, 18 Aug. 1839
U.S. to Louison Frenier
For services rendered as guide, 61 days @ 2.50 152.50
Freniere's mark witnessed by William Dickson.
79
Voucher No. 10, Lac du Brocket, 18 Aug. 1839
U.S. to Pierre Dorion
For services as hunter, 61 days @ 1.00 per diem 61.00
Dorion's mark witnessed by William Dickson. Dorion was the son of Jean
Baptiste, who is identified under voucher no. 8.
Voucher No. 11, Coteau du Prairie, 22 Aug. 1839
U.S. to Wm. Dickson
For service as interpreter and guide, 96 days @ 4.00 384.00
1 bridle 2.00
386.00
Voucher No. 12, Traverse des Sioux, 13 Sept. 1839
U.S. to Joseph Renville
1 3-pt. blanket 7.00
1-3/4 [. . .] 6.50
f yds. same 2.00
107 lbs. lead 13.37i
50 lbs. powder 37.50
80 lbs. beef 6.40
100 lbs. flour 6.50
4 lbs. white sugar 1-00
equipment 30.00
1 canneau [ ?] 15.00
10 lbs. tobacco 2.50
3 lbs. tobacco -75
50 lbs. meal 3.25
30 lbs. lard 7.50
15 lbs. sugar 3.75
For 7 days of service as guide and interpreter from 5 Sept.
through 11 Sept. @ 2.50 17.50
160.52
Voucher No. 13, St. Peters, 1 Nov. 1839
U.S. to American Fur Company
Shoeing 1 horse 3.00, 1 cast steel axe with handle 3.37 6.37
2 lbs. sugar 400, \ lb. tea 5/, 28 lbs. pork 4.20 5.22
2i lbs. soap 5/, cash 80.00, 4 lbs. tobacco 1.00 81.63
8o
1 hemp bed cord 5/, 6 lbs. shot 6/, 20 lbs. sugar 4.00 5.38
15 lbs. pemmican 2.10, 50 lbs. pork 7.50 9.60
96 lbs. flour 7.00, ^ gallon molasses 6.00 7.75
4 lbs. coffee 80^, 13-pt. blanket 6.00, 1 surcingle 8/ 7.80
Amount paid for hire of 1 man with horse and cart from St.
Peters to Prairie du Chien with allowance of time for re-
turn, say 50 days @ 2.00 per day 100.00
223.75
Rect. by H. H. Sibley for the American Fur Company.
Voucher No. 14, Prairie du Chien, 3 Nov. 1839
U.S. to American Fur Company
113 lbs. pork @ 1210, 8 lbs. coffee @ 25^ 16.13
40 loaves bread @ \2\(t, 25 lbs. sugar 4.25 9.25
1 quire paper 50(Z', 1 gal. pease 25^ .75
1 box matches, 250, 1 lb. tea 1.25 1.50
paid Augt. Rock for provisions 5.00
1 paper tacks 250, 1 lb. cut nails .44
amount paid M. Richards for provisions 38.00
7L07
Rect. by H. L. Dousman for the American Fur Company. M. Richards, in
the last line, is not identified — but a man named Milo Richards was selected
for the grand jury at the 3 Jan. 1842 meeting of the Crawford County Board of
Commissioners (wis. his. rec. sur., 95).
Voucher No. 15, St. Louis, 2 Dec. 1839
U.S. to Estate of C. Ryhiner
Repair 1 telescope 3.00
Rect. by F. Ryhiner, administrator.
Voucher No. 16, St. Louis, 6 Dec. 1839
U.S. to L. Zindel
For services rendered, 17 days @ 1.00, from 18 Nov. to 5
Dec. inclusive 17.00
8i
Voucher No. 17, Pittsburgh, 17 Dec. 1839
U.S. to May & H annas
Freight on 12 packs from St. Louis to Pittsburgh
2 packing boxes
receiving, forwarding & drayage on 17 packs
10.00
1.50
2.00
"1350
In 1839, May and Hannas were wholesale grocers and commission and for-
warding merchants in Pittsburgh.
Voucher No. 18, Pittsburgh, 18 Dec. 1839
U.S. to L. Ackcrman
Transportation per stage coach of instruments and one trunk
containing manuscripts and field notes
L. Ackerman not identified.
15.00
Voucher No. 19, St. Louis, 18 Dec. 1839
U.S. to Charles A. Geyer
For services rendered as assistant to J. N. Nicollet from
28 April to 14 Dec. 1839 @ 2.00 per diem
462.00
Subvoucher, St. Louis, 4 Dec. 1839
U.S. to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
For advances at St. Louis to Lt. Fremont on a/c of
Exploring Expedition
19 March 1839
To cash paid Lt. Fremont's order
To cash paid Flandin
To cash paid the same
To cash paid the same
To cash paid Dorion
To cash paid Freniere
To cash paid for advertising lost boxes
To cash paid Dousman
To cash paid Dickson
To cash paid Lt. Fremont's order
To cash paid same
To wages paid Jacques Fournaise
600.00
50.00
83.00
15.00
39.00
102.00
6.00
600.00
386.00
200.00
2000.00
165.00
82
To wages paid Frangois Latulippe 185.00
To wages paid Joseph Chartran 191.00
To wages paid Louis Zindell 207.00
To wages paid Etienne Provost 778.00
To cash paid Lt. Fremont's order 300.00
5907.00
Rect. at St. Louis 4 Dec. 1839 by Pierre Chouteau, Jr., and certified by JCF.
Endorsed in the auditor's office: "Private with the exception of an item for
advertising boxes." Persons not previously identified include Joseph Fournaise,
who may be Jacques Fournais, dit Pino. Fournais went to the mountains in
1827 for W. H. Ashley & Co. and was with Robert Campbell in the Flathead
country in 1827-28. He apparently was a man of extreme age at his death at
Kansas City in 1871, perhaps as old as 124 years, and reportedly had been
refused service with Andrew Jackson in the War of 1812 because of his age
( ASHLEY, 290-91). Warren Ferris described some of his unusual experiences
in Indian country without a weapon (ferris, 221-30). Francois Latulippe,
who is carried in the Chouteau ledgers both as Latulipe Monbleau and
Francois Latulipe, would join JCF's expedition in 1842 as a voyageur and go
as far as Fort John on the Platte River. See pp. 182-84. Joseph Chartran,
whom we have not identified, is listed elsewhere as Joseph Chartrand.
The location of the foregoing documents is DNA-217, Third Auditor's
Reports and Accounts, Acct. No. 10954.
24. Fremont to Joel R. Poinsett
Baltimore, Jany 3d '40
Dear Sir
Expecting to find Mr. Nicollet detained by his friends at this
place I left Washington on the 27th ult. to tell him how much
time was pressing & how pleased you would be to see him. Up to
this time, however, he has not made his appearance & we have re-
ceived no letter nor any other intelligence from him. Remember-
ing that I left him in bad health, not yet recovered from a rather
severe attack, & knowing that he would not fail to do the same for
me, I would certainly set out in search, but that my funds are so
completely low as to prevent me. He may be sick at some little
roadside inn & wd. be glad to see a friend.
I can do nothing in the way of work without him and therefore
I think I am excusable in remaining here until his arrival & shall
do so if I do not receive an order to the contrary. I was hoping that
83
Mrs. Poinsett's Buffalo tongues would have been in time for the
New Year Dinner, but the state of the roads, I suppose, prevented
their arrival. I hope that she is well. Will you have the kindness to
present to her my respectful regards with my New Year wishes for
the enjoyment of uninterrupted health & happiness ?
I am receiving a great deal of very agreeable attention here. Some
of their friendship for Mr. N, is reflected on me, I suppose. I hope
soon to be able to give you notice of his arrival. Very Respectfully
Dear Sir, Your Obt. Servt.
Charles Fremont
ALS, RC (PHi — Poinsett Papers). Addressed and endorsed.
25. Fremont to J. J. Abert
Washington City Novr. 10th 1840
Sir,
It becomes necessary for us soon to give up the rooms which we
now occupy in the Coast Survey & Weights and Measures building,
which will oblige us to hire rooms for our own work. I have made
the requisite enquiries and find that rooms can be obtained on 4^
street for $18 per month each.
We shall want three rooms and the necessary fuel, and I have
now to submit the application to your consideration. Very respect-
fully &c.
Chs. Fremont
Copy (DNA-217, Third Auditor's Reports and Accounts, Acct. No. 12245).
Endorsed: "Col. Abert respectfully recommends no greater allowance than
for each room per month, $10 for an attendant with the requisite fuel.
Approved, J. R. P[oinsett |."
84
26. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topogrl. Engrs.
Washington, Novbr. 19th 1840
Sir
Your letter of the 10th instt. has been duly submitted to the War
Department, and in reply I am authorized to state that you can en-
gage three rooms at a charge not exceeding ten dollars for each
room per month. An attendant upon the rooms at a charge not
exceeding ten dollars pr. month, and you can also procure the
necessary fuel. The expenditures on these accounts will have to be
paid out of the appropriation for the Survey upon which you are
employed. The entire balance left in the Treasury is $1742.20 and
I am particularly charged to direct that on no account is the balance
to be exceeded, so as to create arrearages in case no additional ap-
propriations should be made. Respectfully,
J. J. Abert CI. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 4:296-97).
27. Financial Records, 1840
[31 Dec. 1840]
First, Second, and Third Quarters, 1840
Voucher No. 1, St. Louis, [1 July 1840]
U.S. to Charles A. Geyer
For services rendered to the U.S. as assistant to J. N.
Nicollet from 14 Dec. 1839 to 1 July 1840 @ 2.00 per diem 396.00
For transportation as follows:
Fort Pierre to Oak Wood on the James River, 118 mi. 11.80
Oak Wood to Devil's Lake, 362 mi. 36.20
Devil's Lake to Lac qui Parle, 520 mi. 52.00
Lac qui Parle to St. Peters, 470 mi. 47.00
St. Peters to St. Louis, 694 mi. 69.40
612.40
85
Voucher No. 2, St. Louis, 19 Nov. 1839
U.S. to Joseph Fournaise
For services to J. N. Nicollet as an engage, 1 March to 16
Nov. 1839 @ 1.00 per diem 261.00
Less cash received on account 163.13
97.87
Signed with Fournaise's mark and witnessed by M[ichel] S[ylvestre] Cerre,
a member of a family well known in the fur trade of the West. Cerre had
been a member of the "French Company" or P. D. Papin Co. which Kenneth
McKenzie eliminated from the trade in 1830. He had also been principal as-
sistant to Captain Bonneville (chittenden, 1:309, 405; abel, xxvi, 202). After
1835, Cerre's time was spent mainly in St. Louis. In 1848, he was the only
Whig representative from that city elected to the state legislature. He served
as sheriff of St. Louis County from Aug. 1858 until his death in 1860 ( Ander-
son, 281-83).
Voucher No. 3, St. Louis, 19 Nov. 1839
U.S. to Francis Latulipe
For services to J. N. Nicollet as an engage, 1 March to 16
Nov. 1839 @ 1.00 per diem 261.00
Less cash received on account 96.50
164.50
Signed with Latulippe's mark and witnessed by M. S. Cerre.
Voucher No. 4, St. Louis, 19 Nov. 1839
U.S. to Joseph Chartrand
For services to J. N. Nicollet as an engage, 1 March to 16
Nov. 1839 261.00
Less cash received on account 152.00
109.00
Signed with Chartrand's mark and witnessed by M. S. Cerre.
Voucher No. 5, St. Louis, 19 Nov. 1839
U.S. to Louis Zindel
For services to J. N. Nicollet as an engage, 1 March to 16
Nov. 1839 261.00
Less cash received on account 56.00
205.00
Signed with Zindel's mark and witnessed by M. S. Cerre.
86
Voucher No. 6, St. Louis, 20 Nov. 1839
U.S. to Etienne Provinceau [Provost]
For services to J. N. Nicollet as a guide, 1 March to 16 Nov.
1839 @ 3.00 per diem 783.00
Less cash received on account 33.00
750.00
Voucher No. 7, St. Louis, 20 Nov. 1839
U.S. to ]. N. Nicollet
To amount expended in the purchase of provisions and
other necessaries required in a survey of the Mississippi
during a portion of the months of October and Novem-
ber 1839 183.00
Endorsed by Nicollet: "These expenditures were for a separate Survey un-
der me, and were for provisions & hire of hands, provisions bought as wanted
from the inhabitants. I certify that the expenses were actually made as stated,
that vouchers could not have been procured but in a few cases and that I was
not aware of their necessity, and that the amount charged was paid on public
account."
Voucher No. 8, St. Louis, 23 Nov. 1839
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
On account of geographical surveys west of the Mississippi 2000.00
Voucher No. 9, St. Louis, 29 Nov. 1839
U.S. to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
For sundries furnished Lt. Fremont at Fort Pierre:
226 lbs. sugar 113.00
112 lbs. coflee 56.00
2\ lbs. tea 6.75
368 lbs. tobacco 184.00
10 3-pt. blue blankets 100.00
2 3-pt. H. B. [Hudson Bay] blankets 20.00
8 2i pt. H. B. blankets 64.00
5 2-pt. white blankets 35.00
58 pieces dry meat 29.00
211 lbs. lead 52.75
28^ lbs. powder 21.38
21 lbs. balls 5.25
87
3 buffalo robes 9.00
8 bu. white agate beads 32.00
i lb. fine garnishing 250, 20 bu. blue beads $40.00 40.25
20 bu. white beads 40.00, 12 bu. blue agate beads 48.00 88.00
10 bu. barley corn 30.00, 4 strings beads 2.00 32.00
25 lbs. biscuit 5.00, 8 lbs. thread 20.00 25.50
6 lbs. fish hooks 6.00, 12| doz. Crambo combs 12.13 18.13
2 gross Indian awls 8.00, 2 gross gun worms 5.00 13.00
19 snaffle bridles 23.75
5 half-plate bridles 17.50
2 full-plate bridles 6.67
^ lb. candle wick 250, 30-| lbs. arrow points 10.38 10.63
1 piece [. . .] cloth 60.75
1 yd. blue Stroud 2.50, 1 piece cloth 10.00 12.50
1 piece scarlet cloth 65.25
l^ yds. red flannel 14.25, 1 yd. fine blue cloth 7.00 21.25
6 pair scissors 3.00, 1 box soap 14.10 17.10
3 surcingles 3.00 1 fort [ ?] flag 50.00 53.00
1 American ensign 15.00, 1 capot 16.00 31.00
3 leather halters 6.00, 173 yds. calico 86.50 92.50
2 wooden bowls 2.00, 1 padlock 1.00 3.00
2 japanned kettles 13.75, 2 tin kettles 5.00 18.75
1 iron chain 3.00, 11 large cords 5.00, 1 drawing knife 1.75 9.75
2 shirts 3.50, 5 lbs. tallow 750, 2 pieces stirrup iron 3.00 7.25
1 barrel navy bread, 24.00, 3 parchments, 3.00 27.00
12% 2 doz. knives 76.50
6 chopping axes 18.00, 1 Assiniboin lance 3.00 21.00
8 lbs. sturgeon line 24.00, 4 doz. looking glasses 6.00 30.00
10| lbs. Vermillion 43.00
3 gross coat buttons 12.00, 1 doz. small [?] 3.00 15.00
3 gross finger rings 9.00, 2 elk skins 5.00 14.00
3 antelope skins 5.00, 5 bu. corn & bags 15.50 20.50
150 lbs. salt 18.75, 6 lbs. gun flints 12.00 30.75
6 pieces ribbon 18.00, | gross Highland gartering 5.00 23.00
3 [?] brass nails 6.00
5 lbs. verdigris 15.00, 5 doz. fire steels 10.00 25.00
75 lbs. nails 18.75, 10 papers hawk bells 15.00 33.75
12 papers needles 3.00, 1 leather bag 1.00 4.00
2 grizzly bear skins 6.00, 3 black silk handkerchiefs 6.00 12.00
88
9 undressed cowskins
18.00
1 large skin
5.00
1 ermine [ ?]
1.96
paid Dorion
32.00
paid L. Frenier
30.00
paid H. Tillot [not identified
3.00
3 kegs for sugar 1.25, 1 bag 500, 1 packing box 4.00
5.75
1 keg for coflfee 2.00, 1 10-gallon keg 2.00
4.00
1876.87
Voucher No. 10, St. Louis, 29 Nov. 1839
U.S. to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
15 March
36 yds. mosquito netting 9.00
28 March
65 yds. bed ticking 18.25
6 barrels flour 48.00
110 lbs. sugar 11.00
100 lbs. rice 8.50
13 lbs. tea 9.75
150 lbs. powder 48.00
125 lbs. shot 12.00
160 lbs. small bar lead 10.40
2 lbs. pepper .33
3 hatchets 2.25
4 sickles 2.00
6 axes with handles 12.00
2 barrels lyed corn, 7 bushels 7.87
2 April
2 pieces Russia sheeting 18.00
3 barrels mess pork 72.00
2 kegs white lead 6.00
5 gals, linseed oil 7.25
37 oz. red lead, keg 25^ 4.88
1 bottle Japan varnish .75
drayage 1.25
309.48
89
Voucher No. 11, St. Louis, 29 Nov. 1839
U.S. to the Steamboat Antelope
5 April
For freight and passage of Lt. Fremont and party:
freight to Fort Pierre 322.20
4 cabin passages 300.00
6 men on deck 120.00
742.20
Certified by E. Chouteau, master.
Voucher No. 12, St. Louis, 4 Dec. 1839
U.S. to Papin & Halsey {for P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company)
For sundries furnished Lt. Fremont at Fort Pierre:
1 Sept.
4 carts and harness complete 220.00
4 mules 320.00, 1 horse 70.00 390.00
4 Indian horses 240.00
4 Northwest guns 80.00
1 fowling gun 25.00, 3 powder horns 1.50 26.50
2 months' time of 5 men @ 25.00 per month 250.00
62 days' hire of 6 carts, 3 horses, 3 mules, and harness, each
cart per day 1.50 558.00
62 days' hire of 2 used guns and 3 horns 2.75
62 days' hire of 3 Northwest guns 15.00
1782.25
Certified by P. D. Papin and JCF, and receipted by Pierre Chouteau, Jr.,
and Co. Pierre Didier Papin (b. 1798) was an agent of Chouteau at Fort
Pierre, along with Jacob Halsey (d. 1842). Papin would be assigned to take
charge of Fort Laramie in 1845, and thus have further dealings with JCF.
Voucher No. 13, Washington, 8 July 1840
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For transportation from Washington to St. Louis, 911 mi.
In Northwest Territory from 9 June to 26 Aug., 78 days
at 18 mi. per day, 1404 mi.
From 14 Sept. to 26 Oct., 43 days at 18 mi. per day, 774 mi.
From St. Peters to St. Louis, 694 mi.
Fort Pierre to Oak Wood on James River, 118 mi.
90
James River to Devil's Lake 362 mi.
Devil's Lake to Lac qui Parle, 520 mi.
Lac qui Parle to St. Peters, 470 mi.
St. Peters to St. Louis, 694 mi.
St. Louis to Washington, 911 mi.
Total, 6858 mi. @ 10^ per mi. 685.80
Endorsed by JCF: "The number of miles daily made in the N. W. Terry,
could not be exactly ascertained. An average was taken. C. Fremont."
Voucher No. 14, Washington, 8 July 1840
US. to /. N. Nicollet
For services rendered in making geographical surveys of
the country west of the Mississippi, from 7 April 1838
to 7 July 1840, inclusive, 823 days @ 8.00 per diem 6584.00
Amount reed, of Lt. C. Fremont on account 1000.00
Amount reed, of Lt. C. Fremont on account 100.00
Amount reed, of Lt. C. Fremont on account 2000.00
3484.00
Voucher No. 15, Washington, 21 July 1840
U.S. to Ludolph Mailer
For services as assistant calculator on reduction of maps
from North West Surveys for 70 days, from 12 May to 20
July @ 2.00 per diem 140.00
Ludolph Miiller, whom JCF hired to assist him with the preparation of the
Nicollet map, does not appear in the various Washington, D.C., directories
for the 1830s and 1840s.
Voucher No. 16, Washington, 19 Aug. 1840
U.S. to William Fischer
10 Aug.
1 card mapping pens 1.25
1 stick India ink .37^
^ doz. Roohs pencils 1.00
china cup .06^
2.68i
William Fischer, stationer, was located at Stationer's Hall, Washington,
D.C. JCF has made a small error in addition, and the total should be $2.69.
91
Voucher No. 17, Washington, 20 Aug. 1840
U.S. to Geo. &■ T. Parser
7 June
1 box candles 17.61
20 Aug.
1 box candles 17.48
3108
In 1843, George and T. Parker were grocers on the north side of the Centre
Market Place, between Seventh and Eighth W., Washington.
Voucher No. 18, Washington, 20 Aug. 1840
U.S. to Franck^ Taylor
1 Colton's map of Iowa 2.75
1 Colton's map of Missouri .62^
3.37i
Franck Taylor, a book dealer, advertised in the Daily National Intelli-
gencer, 24 Dec. 1839, that he was "four doors east of Gadsby's Hotel."
Voucher No. 19, Washington, 30 Sept. 1840
U.S. to Ludolph MUller
For services as assistant to }. N. Nicollet from 1 Aug. to 30
Sept. @ 2.00 per diem 122.00
Fourth Quarter, 1840
Voucher No. 1, Washington, 28 Sept. 1840
U.S. to Post Office Department
Postage on one letter weighing 2 oz. 2.00
Voucher No. 2, Washington, 1 Oct. 1840
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered as superintendent of the government
surveys in the Northwestern Country, from 8 July to
30 Sept. 1840 @ 8.00 per diem 680.00
92
Voucher No. 3, Washington
, 30 Nov. 1840
U.S. to Thomas Triplett
29 Oct.
6 yds. cotton for a map
1.00
pasting paper on same
6 yds. linen for maps
2.00
2.00
pasting paper on same
sewing the linen for the maps
6 yds. linen
4.00
.50
1.871
1 paste brush
1.00
12.371
Thomas Triplett, a bookbinder, was on Massachusetts Avenue between
Sixth and Seventh in 1846.
Voucher No. 4, Washington, 20 Dec. 1840
U.S. to William King, Jr.
For repairing 3 instrument boxes 8.25
William King, Jr., may be the son of the cabinet maker William King,
listed in Benjamin Roman's Directory of Georgetown, D.C., as being on
Congress Street, near Water [31st near K Street].
Voucher No. 5, Washington, 30 Dec. 1840
U.S. to C. M. Eaf{in
For 1 box of colors to be used in construction of map of North
Western Surveys 7.50
Constant M. Eakin was an assistant in the Coast Survey.
Voucher No. 6, Washington, 30 Dec. 1840
U.S. to Ludolph Mailer
For 37 days work, assisting in the office on detail drawings,
from 24 Nov. to 30 Dec. 1840 @ 2.00 per diem 74.00
Voucher No. 7, Washington, 31 Dec. 1840
U.S. to Charles Renard
12 sheets drawing paper for maps 11.00
6 yds. linen 1.50
sewing for 2 maps 1.12^
2
93
bookbinder work 1.62^
tacks -10
15.35
Charles Renard, according to cajori, 179, was also one of Ferdinand R.
Hassler's assistants.
The documents presented above are in DNA-217, Third Auditor's Reports
and Accounts, Acct. No. 10954.
28. J. J. Abert to Joel R. Poinsett
Bureau of Topol. Engrs.
Washington, Jany. 25th 1841
Sir
I have the honor to acknowledge your direction to report upon
that part of a Resolution of the Military Committee of the House
of Representatives in reference to the amount required to extend
the Surveys, and to publish the map lately made by Mr. Nicollet.
For the amount required to extend the Survey, allow me to refer
to the estimate which accompanied the annual report from this
office, 12th Novbr. 1840, in which there is an item:
"for continuing the military and geographical surveys west of the
Mississippi . . . $20,000.00."
In reference to the cost of publishing the map already made, I sub-
mit a letter from Mr. Stone.^ The map ought to be engraved on
the same scale on which it is drawn, for, if reduced, justice will
not be done to the work, as many highly interesting details would
have to be omitted. I hope, therefore, that no reduction of the Scale
will be authorized.
In a work of the importance of this involving as well the repu-
tation of the War Department by which it was directed, as that of
the officer by whom the Survey has been made, it is proper that
some person should be held responsible for its accuracy. I hope,
therefore, that any direction to print the same will also contain
authority for its being done under the direction of this office.
The map should be engraved, as the best, the most economical,
and the most creditable method of exhibiting work of that char-
94
acter; the price stated by Mr. Stone is not beyond a rigid valuation of
a moderate compensation for the materials, talents and labors which
the engraving will require; and as the plates will belong to the
U.S., future editions of the map can be issued, at no greater cost
than for the labor of printing and for the paper required, and future
additions can be engraved upon the same plates.
There is a report in preparation which should accompany the
map, and for the printing of which it is also desirable to have
authority.
The direction might be to have these laid before Congress during
its next session, as it is not possible to have them in time for the
present. Very respectfully,
J. J. Abert
CI. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 4:359-60).
1. W. }. Stone (1798-1865), London-born engraver and lithographer who
spent more than fifty years in Washington. The estimate he sent to Abert has
not been found.
29. Joel R. Poinsett to Levi Woodbury
February 26-1841
i Sir,
I have the honor to request that certain township plats on file in
the General Land Office, which will be designated by the bearer,
Lieut. Fremont, may be delivered to him to be used for a few days,
to aid in filling up the details of a map of the North Western terri-
tory, now being constructed under the direction of this department.
JRP.
Lbk (DNA-107, LS, 23:224). Levi Woodbury (1789-1851) was Secretary
of the Treasury and would soon serve as a U.S. senator from New Hampshire.
95
30. }. }. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topographical Eng.
Washington, June 4th. 1841
Sir.
You will repair without delay to the mouth of the Rac[c]oon fork
of the Des Moines, in order to determine that position, and the To-
pography of the adjacent country. You will also make a survey of the
Des Moines, from the Rac[c]oon fork to its mouth.
As this information is wanted for the map of the Western Coun-
try now being made, you will infuse all the industry in your power
in the execution of the duty ; and if practicable, be back to this city
early in August. Respectfully,
J. J. Abert
Col. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 4:480). In the role of legend-makers, the Fremonts per-
petuated the story that JCF had been sent to survey the Des Moines River to
get him away from Washington and the charms of young Jessie Benton. His
campaign biographer, John Bigelow, mentions a "mysterious but inexorable
order" to survey the river (bigelow, 34), and JCF's own memoirs say,
"Whether or not this detachment from Washington originated with Mr.
Nicollet or not I do not know, but I was loath to go" (memoirs, 68). Actually
the boundary between Missouri and Iowa Territory was in dispute and per-
haps Benton hoped JCF's survey of the lower course of the Des Moines
would bolster the expansionist claims of the Missourians. Furthermore, the
Nicollet map would be more valuable with such a survey. The area around the
Raccoon Forks (where the Raccoon joins the Des Moines) had been surveyed by
the 1st Dragoons when exploring for a wagon road between Fort Leaven-
worth and Fort Snelling in 1838. Field notes and a journal kept by one of the
surveying officers are in DNA-77, Box 64. But there apparently was no continu-
ous and extensive survey of the entire river below the forks, although Lieut.
Albert M. Lea (1808-91) had been in the area with the Dragoons in 1835
and had done some mapping. His Notes on the Wisconsin Territory, Partic-
ularly with Reference to the Iowa District or Blac{ Haw\ Purchase was pub-
lished in Philadelphia in 1836.
One further survey, ordered by Abert in Dec. 1840, had limited objectives
and a small budget, and appears to have been concerned mainly with obstruc-
tions to navigation, which in itself had boundary overtones. See the report of
Capt. William B. Guion, of the Topographical Engineers, 9 Oct. 1841,
DNA-77, LR, 2:70.
If, as the story goes. Senator Thomas Hart Benton had JCF sent out of
Washington so that he might forget about Jessie, there is a note of irony in
the incident. When JCF submitted his report on the Des Moines in the fol-
lowing spring (see Doc. No. 37), the entire document except the maps was in
Jessie's hand.
96
I
31. Joseph N. Nicollet to Fremont
Washington, July 11, 1841
My dear Fremont,
I have received with joy your letter dated St. Louis, 23rd of June
past, and I was happy to learn that all was going according to your
wishes to assure the success of your short and interesting mission.
I assure you that your absence is no less sad to me here than mine
had been to you in St. Louis. I thank you for the touching memento
of your friendship. No day passes when I do not accompany you in
heart and thought in all your moves. I calculate your arrival in
Racoon fork, and I see with sorrow that the moon is going, and
that we won't have much distance from the moon to the stars, un-
less you can stand upright after midnight. But you have the dis-
tances in the sun during the day, and I know you won't lose them. I
am glad that you have taken Mr. Geyer to help you. You had not
left Baltimore when the idea came to me and I would have written
to St. Louis to give you the idea, if I had not thought that Mr.
Geyer was probably involved in work and that he could not have
accepted your offer. I am deeply distressed with what you tell me of
his situation. Unfortunately, I cannot do all that you ask me for
him. I can do only half, and I am writing to Mr. Chouteau to give
him the sum of 100 dollars for me, until I can do something more.
It would not be convenient for me to send this money to his land-
lord, and for the sake of Geyer I should not do it, either. It would
be better for him to arrange his own affairs without his landlord
knowing what goes on between us, between friends. Besides, I
would not have another way of sending this money except by Mr.
Chouteau, with whom I have an account, and who will advance me
the sum. But Mr. Chouteau, to whom I am writing for this, doesn't
know for what reason I am sending this sum to Mr. Geyer, thus the
latter need have no qualms in presenting himself to receive it and
give an acknowledgment. I am writing a short note to Mr. Geyer,
being very hurried, but explain all of this to him and tell him that
it is with great pleasure that I come to his aid, but with great regret
not to be able to do more.^ Moreover, I shall see Mr. Geyer in the
month of September next. My health, while better, is not strong,
and I need two months of leave, that I will take sometime after
97
your return here, for it is indispensable that one of the two of us be
here.
We have worked very hard, I don't go out anymore, all continues
to be fine, even very fine, with our superiors, the Col. and Mr. Bell.
The revision of the copy of the map took us 26 days. All the names
are written; it lacks only your work on the Desmoines, and to finish
the topography. I will not change anything of your admirable Mis-
souri. Two small errors in your drawing, and two errors in the
computations reconciled the whole business. I can't tell you the
chagrin I felt at first in destroying the beautiful Piece of the Mis-
souri. Later, what joy! when I saw that nothing would be changed.
The Map has not yet come back from Stone's, and Mr. Scammon''
has still not been able to do anything on the topography. But it
will soon be here. Don't forget that I am counting on you for my
Coteau des Prairies and the Missouri and Mississippi rivers. So come
as promptly as possible, everyone here and in Baltimore asks for
you, even at Mr. B . . . 's,^ each time I go there. The young ladies
arrived the day before yesterday, in the evening, ten days later than
they were expected, because of the Grandma who died the moment
when they were to start out to return to Washington. Everything is
fine, you are happily and impatiently awaited.
I am beginning to enjoy the pleasure of thinking that you are at
the end of your work, and that you have succeeded at least in the
main points. Mr. Chouteau will be glad to see you again. He spent
two weeks here. Have you gathered any fossils ? I would be pleased
if Mr. Geyer could gather some around St. Louis, such as Gravel,
Fluorspar, with some specimens of the rock to which they belong,
all labeled in order of superposition. If he can do that for me, pay,
I beg you, expenses and his time for me. I would also like some
specimens of the limestone on which the city of St. Louis rests,
from Market Street all the way to the bottom of the Mississippi, if
it's possible. I need that to complete my collection, having lost part
of that which I had gathered in 1837.
You haven't told me anything of the commissions which I gave
you for our friend, Dr. Engelmann.^ Give him my best, and tell him
that I will bring him his Barometer. Mr. Goebel's [record of] the
eclipse [is not] necessary to me, but I would be relieved to have the
local information that I asked him in order to put his observatory
on the map and to make his work known.*' I haven't heard anything
about that yet. I am at the end of my paper, I would Hke to chat
98
I
with you again, but I don't recall anything of importance. If any-
thing comes to me, I will write you again. I await you with open
arms to embrace and to congratulate you. All the best,
J. N. Nicollet
Ask our friend Dr. Engelmann to send the enclosed note to Mr.
Goebel.
ALS, RC (lU — Fremont Papers). This letter, in French, was presented to
the University of Illinois by Allan Nevins, who received it from the Fremont
family. Addressed, "Lieut. Chs. Fremont of the Topographical Corps St.
Louis (Mo.)."
L The gist of this passage seems to be that botanist Charles A. Geyer is in
financial difficulties, although it is not completely clear whether Nicollet is
lending or giving him $100.00. Taking Geyer along on the Des Moines River
survey seems to have been JCF's idea. Although Geyer obviously went for
the sake of making plant collections, JCF could only hire him as an engage
and boat hand (see Doc. No. 36) at $1.50 per day.
2. Colonel Abert and John Bell, who served briefly as Secretary of War un-
der President Harrison in 184L
3. Lieut. Eliakim Scammon (d. 1894), of the Corps of Topographical
Engineers.
4. The home of Senator Thomas Hart Benton. The last sentence in the para-
graph is, of course, a veiled reference to the friendship between JCF and
Jessie.
5. A German emigrant, Dr. George Engelmann (1809-84) practiced medi-
cine in St. Louis but was mainly known as a botanist and pioneer meteorol-
ogist. He corrresponded widely with other scientists, and his strategic location
at the edge of the frontier put him in an excellent position to observe and
participate in scientific advances in new geographical areas.
6. David Goebel (1787-1872) had come to Missouri from Coburg, Ger-
many, in 1834, becoming a farmer, teacher, and surveyor. The information
which Nicollet mentions is apparendy to be found in a notebook now at the
State Historical Society of Missouri, containing astronomical observations,
barometric pressures, and thermometric readings made in eastern Missouri
from 1840 to 1844 {Mo. Hist. Rev., 35:613).
32. Fremont to Ramsay Crooks
Washington City
August 12th 1841
My Dear Sir.
Mr. [John F. A.] Sanford has had the kindness to take charge of
a very interesting collection of minerals which he proposes to for-
99
ward to us through you. Mr. Nicollet joins me in requesting that
you will have the kindness to send it to the care of the Revd. Mr.
Raymond/ President of St. Mary's College, Baltimore, Md. In pre-
senting his warm regards to you Mr. N. desires me to say that he
expects to have the pleasure of seeing you about the 20th in New
York, He has had a severe attack of illness & his health is at present
quite bad. Annexed I send you a Draft for the amt. you had the
kindness to advance for which I beg leave to repeat my acknowl-
edgements. Most Respectfully & truly Yr. Obt. Servt.
J. Ch. Fremont
ALS, RC (NHi — American Fur Company Papers). Addressed, "Ramsay
Crooks Esqre. Rear 39 Ann St. New York N.Y." Endorsed; reed. 14 Aug.
and answered 14 Aug. Crooks' reply acknowledged receipt of a check for
$100 and assured JCF that the minerals would be sent to Baltimore when they
arrived (Lbk, 17:134).
1. Father Gilbert Raymond, later president — in 1850 — of St. Charles' Col-
lege for boys, fifteen miles from Baltimore (cath. almanac).
33. Fremont to Ramsay Crooks
Washington D.C. Sepr. 15th. 1841
Dear Sir
Your esteemed favor of Uth Currt. came safely to hand yesterday.
I am quite glad to receive intelligence of the Box, respecting which
I had begun to feel some anxiety. May I so far trespass on your
kindness as to beg that you will have it sent to this place per Rail
Road, accompanied by Charges ? I hope you will excuse the trouble
I sincerely regret giving & which I could not well avoid.
It gives me pleasure to hear that Mr. Nicollet's health is improving
so much. I trust that you are regaining yours as rapidly & with the
warmest regards for yourself remain Very truly & Respectfully Dr.
Sir Yours,
J. C. Fremont
ALS, RC (NHi — American Fur Company Papers). Addressed; endorsed;
reed. 19 Sept., answered 5 Oct. Crooks' letter of 11 Sept. advised JCF that
fur company agents in New Orleans had received a box addressed from St.
Louis, and were shipping it on to New York. He asked for instructions about
the disposal of the package and made brief comments on Nicollet's recent
100
visit to New York and the improved state of the scientist's health (Lbk,
17:254). On 5 Oct., Crooks was able to inform JCF that the box had arrived,
that it had been sent on to Washington, and that the charges were $1.25 (Lbk,
17:348).
34. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau to Topographical Engineers
Washington, Octr. 10th. 1841
Sm,
Your letter of the 9th inst. has just been received. The Resolution
of the Senate, in reference to the Map to which you allude, places
the Superintendance of its publication under this office; your course
therefore, in reporting your fears upon the subject is correct and ap-
proved.
The work of the drawing should long since have been removed to
this office, that a knowledge of its progress, as well as that of the
Engraver, could have been known.
You will therefore, without delay, remove your work as indicated,
where the Engraver will be sent for, and the matter of your letter
fully enquired into. Very Respectfully, &c.
J. J. Abert
Col. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:37). JCF's letter of 9 Oct., to which this is a reply, is
not registered in the bureau's records and has not been found.
35. Ferdinand H. Gerdes to Fremont
Washington 7 Novb. 1841
My dear Mr. Fremont.
Your letter dated Balto. I have received in due time, and, would
not have delayed my answer on this particular occasion for an hour,
if it had not been for breaking up my camp and leaving for Wash-
ington. I have arrived here on Friday morning, and now I hasten to
offer you my best congratulations and beg you to accept my most
lOI
sincere wishes for your future happiness. Perhaps you have noticed,
Mr. Fremont, that I am not very fond of much and big talk, but so
much I can assure you, that none of your friends — (you have per-
mitted me to class myself amongst them) — feel a w^armer interest
for you then I do, that no one wishes more truly and cordial, that those
expectations of a blessed domestic happiness, w[h]ich you naturally
must have formed, may sooti and continually be realized. I hope you
will not think it to great a liberty, when I repeat the words "soon".
— Although my dear Mr. Fr. I can not judge in this particular case
clearly, yet I would venture to say, that any delay of an open decla-
ration, w[h]ich some time or another must follow, makes your ex-
cuse less well, as this declaration itself, much more difficult. Beside
the possibility of an accidental discovery is very strong! — Why don't
you go, manly and open as you are, forward and put things by a
single step to right — never mind in what this step consists — only act
now and you will soo7i get over little disturbances w[h]ich might
arise at first. Nothing very serious can happen now more to you —
the prize is secured and the rest will soon be smoothed by help of
time and mutual affection and love.
If I am mistaken in my suggestion, it is for want of information,
and then I beg to forgive me. It is friendship that makes me write so.
Anyhow, I symp[ath]ize with you — and entertain no fears for a
fortunate conclusion.
I arrived here on Friday morning and am perfectly happy in the
society of my lovely girl. I don't like it much you beat me so de-
cidedly, but I hope now to follow soon, and then if I should go out
in Spring again, I will not have to leave her behind me. I had no
time in Balto. to call on you, beside I did not know your residence
alto' supposing it be Barnums.
Mrs. Cummings and Mary^ desire to be remembered to you and I
conclude with the assurance of friendship and personal esteem.
Yours very truly,
F. H. Gerdes
When walking last night with my Mary & Mrs. C. we met Mrs. F.
I had a glimpse at her, and thought she looked very well and happy.
Excuse all the blots, neither pen nor ink are good for anything.
ALS, RC (CU-B — Fremont Papers). Addressed, "Lieut. J. C. Freemont I
U.S. Topogr. Engineers Baltimore." From Baltimore the letter was forwarded '
to Charleston, S.C.
102
The letter requires a longer note than its importance might indicate. It is
one of the few extant personal letters to JCF in this period, and has been
quoted before (as in nevins, 69-70), but the writer has not previously been
identified. His signature is very poor and has usually been rendered "F. W.
Gody." Because he mentions "breaking up my camp and leaving for Wash-
ington," it is not surprising that he has been considered a frontiersman whom
JCF may have met in the Mississippi or Missouri valleys. He is obviously of
JCF's generation and feels qualified to speak of such personal matters as the
secret marriage of the Fremonts.
The writer's reference to "Mrs. Cummings and Mary" wishing to be re-
membered to JCF, and the fact that he had been out walking "with my Mary &
Mrs. C," provided the first lead. The financial records had already revealed
that JCF was renting rooms for the work of the Survey from Mary J. Cum-
mings. It occurred to us that the writer of the letter might be courting a girl
named Mary, the daughter of JCF's landlady. So we instituted a search of
marriage records in the District of Columbia for several months after the
letter was written, and found that on 26 May 1842 Miss Mary Cummings
had indeed been married — to Ferdinand H. Gerdes. And then the signature
began to look like "F. H. Gerdes."
Born in Germany, young Gerdes (1809-84) was an assistant in the U.S.
Coast and CJeodetic Survey. He was engaged in primary triangulation in New
Jersey and Maryland, and in topographical work on the Delaware River, be-
tween 1841 and 1844. And of course he would have had a further occasion
to become acquainted with JCF through his superintendent, F. R. Hassler.
During the Civil War, Gerdes served on special duty with the Gulf Squadron
under Farragut, then did surveying in western waters. For an obituary no-
tice, see COAST and geodetic survey, 15-16.
JCF and the seventeen-year-old Jessie Benton were married secretly on 19
Oct. 1841 by a Catholic priest. Father Van Horseigh, after two Protestant
clergymen had refused to perform the ceremony. For Senator Benton's rage on
returning from a western trip and finding the couple married, and for his
refusal to permit a second marriage by a Protestant minister as Jessie's mother
wished, see the letters of Jessie to Elizabeth Blair Lee, 23 July [1856], NjP —
Blair-Lee Papers, and Sarah Simpson (Hart) Thompson to Nathaniel Hart,
19 Jan. 1842, KyLoF — Edmund T. Halsey Collection. Mrs. Simpson writes
that Benton would not let Jessie remain in his house. "The marriage was pub-
lished & Fremont took his wife to his lodgings." At Mrs. Benton's request,
intermediaries finally got the senator to treat the couple with "passing
civility."
103
36. Financial Records, 1841
[31 Dec. 1841]
First Quarter, 1841
Voucher No. 1, Washington, 28 Feb. 1841
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered as superintendent of Northwestern
Surveys from 1 Oct. 1840 to 28 Feb. 1841, 151 days at 8.00
per diem. 1208.00
Voucher No. 2, Washington, 13 March 1841
U.S. to A. Shepherd
J ton of coal delivered 6.25
Endorsed by JCF: "The above expenditure was authorized by the Secretary
of War. See letter from Col. J. J. Abert appended to Voucher No. 4." The
letter is our Doc. No. 26. A. Shepherd advertised in the Daily National In-
telligencer, 1 Sept. 1841, that he sold coal, firewood, and building lumber on
Seventh Street, Washington.
Voucher No. 3, Washington, 20 March 1841
U.S. to Mary J. Cummin gs
For 3 rooms at 30 dollars per month from 20 Nov. 1840 to 20
March 1841. 120.00
Endorsement by JCF same as with preceding voucher.
Voucher No. 4, Washington, 25 March 1841
U.S. to Geo. McDuell
2 Nov.
1 cord hickory wood 7.00
2 cords green oak 11.00
1 cord seasoned oak 5.50
27 Nov.
I ton coal 6.75
28 Nov.
I ton coal 6.75
I ton coal 6.75
1 cord pine wood 4.50
104
30 Nov.
1 cord oak 5.50
26 Dec.
I ton coal 6.75
28 Dec.
1 ton coal 6.75
25 Jan.
1^ tons coal 13.50
Sawing and portage 5.75
86.50
George McDuell had a wood and coal yard "on the Tiber or Canal,"' near
Fourteenth Street, Washington.
Voucher No. 5, Washington, 31 March 1841
U.S. to Christopher Kraft
For 4 months' attendance upon rooms from 20 Nov. 1840 to
20 March 1841, @ 10 per month 40.00
Christopher Kraft, a servant, not further identified.
Second Quarter, 1841
Voucher No. 1, Washington, 20 May 1841
U.S. to John Hitz
2 doz. fillers .25
crucibles of different sizes and descriptions 3.35
iron muflfle supports and muffles 2.25
chemical reagents, furnaces, coal and all the necessary labo-
ratory implements 39.50
4535
John Hitz, a Swiss emigrant and formerly employed in the gold mines of
Virginia, had been engaged by Ferdinand R. Hassler in 1835 to make the
brass that was necessary for the standards (cajori, 159).
Voucher No. 2, Washington, 20 May 1841
U.S. to John Hitz
For services rendered to the United States as assistant to J. N.
Nicollet in analysing the ores and minerals of the North
Western Expedition, for 15 days from 3 May to 17 May @
4.00 per day. 60.00
105
Voucher No. 3, Baltimore, 31 May 1841
U.S. to James Green
30 Jan.
1 dipping needle apparatus, stand and case 115.00
1 magnetic needle 2.00
1 double magnifier 1.50
29 May
repairing mountain barometer 7.00
repairing barometer in tripod 7.00
132.50
Voucher No. 4, Washington, 31 May 1841
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered the U.S. as superintendent of North-
western Surveys, from 1 March to 31 May 1841, 92 days @
8.00 per day. 736.00
Voucher No. 5, Baltimore, 8 ]une 1841
U.S. to James Green
1 June
1^ lbs. mercury 3.00
1 thermometer 2.00
1 compass 2.50
750
Voucher No. 6, Washington, 7 June 1841
U.S. to William Fischer
31 May
6 sheets antiquarian for engraving maps 6.00
4 June
4 sheets antiquarian for same 4.00
lOOO
Voucher No. 7, Washington, 21 June 1841
U.S. to Dinnies & Radford
2 blank books, quarto 2.00
1 blank book .50
1 penknife .50
io6
6 lead pencils .62
1 paper ink powder .12
374
This voucher was probably drawn in St. Louis, not Washington, where
Dinnies and Radford offered books, stationery, and pianos for sale.
Voucher No. 8, St. Louis, 22 July 1841
U.S. to Steamboat Monsoon
For 2 sick passengers 4.00
Endorsed by JCF: "I certify that the two men for whom transportation
was paid as above were in the service of the United States."
Voucher No. 9, St. Louis, 23 June 1841
U.S. to Edward Ploudre
1 gray horse sixteen hands high 75.00
Edward Ploudre not identified.
Voucher No. 10, St. Louis, 23 June 1841
U.S. to Jacob Kenner
For making 1 box to serve as case for mercurial horizon 1.62
repairing gun .75
making box for geological specimens .75
3I2
Jacob Kenner not identified.
Voucher No. 11, St. Louis, 23 June 1841
U.S. to J. J. Humbert
1 mosquito bar 9.00
John J. Humbert, upholsterer, born in Frankfurt-am-Main and living in
St. Louis by 1836 (van ravenswaay).
Voucher No. 12, St. Louis, 23 June 1841
U.S. to Adolphus Meier
21 June
1 measuring tape 2.50
\ doz. knives and forks .75
^ doz. iron tablespoons .44
107
1 axe and handle, 1 hatchet 3.25
1 frying pan, 1 teakettle 1.75
2 [. . .] 1.25
2 [. . .] .37
1 tin lanthorn .50
4 cups .25
1 wash basin .50
4 tin plates .50
1 screwdriver .25
1 box .50
Drayage .50
T331
Adolphus Meier & Co., importer of hardware and cudery, guns, pistols, and
looking glasses, 23 Main Street, St. Louis.
Voucher No. 13, St. Louis, 23 June 1841
U.S. to Angelrodt, Eggers & Barth
6 lbs. sperm candles 3.00
25 lbs. coffee 3.75
4 lbs Imp. tea 5.00
2j lbs. soap .25
16 lbs. sugar 2.91
50 lbs. rice 3.25
1 can rifle powder 1.00
I barrel crackers 2.50
34 lbs. chewing tobacco 8.50
4 lbs. chocolate 1.00
1 box .25
6 boxes matches .19
1 ream paper 2.75
1435
Angelrodt, Eggers, and Barth, 165 Main Street, St. Louis, were importers
and dealers in groceries, liquors, wines, and cigars.
Voucher No. 14, St. Louis, 25 June 1841
U.S. to Jaccard & Co,
cleaning and repairing chronometer 5.00
1 card steel pens 1.00
6!00
io8
Voucher No. 15, St. Louis, 25 ]une 1841
U.S. to Grimsley & Young
1 Spanish saddle 7.00
1 fine bridle 4.50
1 martingale 1.00
12.50
Voucher No. 16, St. Louis, 25 June 1841
U.S. to B. W. Ayres
Keeping 1 horse 2 days, 23 to 25 June, @ 500 per diem 1.00
B. W. Ayres kept the Green Tree Tavern at 68 Second, St. Louis.
Voucher No. 17, St. Louis, 25 June 1841
U.S. to Grimsley & Young
3 side hobbles 2.25
Voucher No. 18, St. Louis, 25 June 1841
U.S. to Jacob Blattner
1 spyglass made by Franzenhofer, Munich 50.00
Jacob Blattner made and sold an assortment of mathematical, optical, and
physical instruments. In 1841, he moved his establishment from Chestnut to
34 Olive Street, St. Louis.
Voucher No. 19, Churchville, Mo., 26 June 1841
U.S. to Steamboat Monsoon
Passage for one from St. Louis to Churchville 5.00
2 deck passages for Chas. A. Geyer and C, Lambert [ ?] 4.00
Freight on 8 packages merchandise .75
975
For a note on Clement Lambert, see under voucher no. 3, third quarter,
below.
Voucher No. 20, Washington, 5 June 1841
U.S. to Polkjnhorn & Campbell
1 leather cover for sextant 3.50
Polkinhorn and Campbell are listed as harness and trunk makers in the
Washington directory for 1843.
109
Voucher No. 21, Washingto?j, 20 June 1841
U.S. to Jane Cummin gs
Hire of 3 rooms and servant to attend same at 40.00 per
month for 3 months, 20 March to 20 June 1841 120.00
Third Quarter, 1841
Voucher No. 1, Churchville , Mo., 20 July 1841
U.S. to L. B. Mitchell
For furnishing a wagon, 2 mules and driver for transporta-
tion of party engaged in the Survey of the Des Moines
River, from Churchville, Mo., to the trading post of the
American Fur Co. in the Sac and Fox Indian country. 34.93
For additional transportation of two men between same
places who were likewise engaged in same Survey. 20.00
54.93
Endorsed by JCF: "In both cases a customary allowance was made to defray
expenses of wagon, horses, &c. during their return from the trading post." A
man named L. B. Mitchell crossed the plains to California in 1850 in com-
pany with A. W. Harlan, who was emigrating from southeast Iowa (harlan).
Voucher No. 2, Churchville, Mo., 21 July 1841
U.S. to Packesayso {SauJ{ Indian)
For services as boatman for 21 days from 4 July to 24 July
1841 @ .75 per diem 15.75
Signed with Packesayso's mark; no witness.
Voucher No. 3, St. Louis, 23, July 1841
U.S. to Clement Lambert
For services to the U.S. as engage on the Survey of the Des
Moines River, 33 days @ 1.75 per diem, 23 June to 22 July
1841 52.50
For extra duty as cook for the party @ 500 per diem, 3 July
to 20 July _8^
6050
After serving JCF as engage and cook on the Des Moines River survey,
Clement Lambert served on the 1842 expedition as a camp conductor; in 1845,
IIO
he aided in preparations for JCF's third western expedition but did not ac-
company it. Well known as a mountaineer and guide, he was about seventy-
four when he died in Decatur City, Nebr. See his obituary in the St. Louis
Missouri Republican, 8 March 1880.
Voucher No. 4, St. Louis, 23 July 1841
U.S. to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
22 June
1 pair 4-pt. blue blankets furnished to Lt. J. C. Fremont on
his expedition to the Des Moines River 12.50
Voucher No. 5, St. Louis, 24 July 1841
U.S. to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
For the following articles furnished to Lt. Fremont for ex-
pedition to the Des Moines River:
8 lbs. shot 1.00, 1 lb. pov^^der 1.63, salt 250 2.88
36^ yds. bed ticking 13.69, 2 tin pans 1.25, 2 same 500 15.44
Tin cups, tin kettle, fire steel .67
{illegible^ 6.12
8^ lbs. lead 1.06, 1 barrel flour 8.00 9.06
65 lbs. flour 2.60, 139 lbs. pork 15.90 18.50
paid for making tent 4.50
1 dressed skin 1.00, 1 bear skin 2.00 3.00
18 lbs. lard 2.25, 1 canoe 10.00 12.25
18 days use of a mule 18.00, 18 days use of v^^agon 5.00 23.00
5 lbs. sugar (iM, 20 lbs. flour 800, 8 lbs. lard 1.00 2.43
transportation of party from mouth of the Des Moines to
Sauk and Fox village 10.00
paid Lt. Fremont 25.00
hire of the following men :
Packesayso 11.00
Cameron for self & horse 20.00
Vessar [Vauchard?] for services as pilot 36.00
A. Netherson [.?] 24.00
223.85
Filed with voucher no. 24 is a memorandum of 22 Feb. 1842 from JCF,
explaining the lack of subvouchers for some of his expenditures and detailing
once more his relationship with the American Fur Company through Pierre
Chouteau, Jr. The memorandum is in Jessie Benton Fremont's hand, but
signed by JCF. "The funds to defray the expenses of the Des Moines survey
III
were deposited as usual in the Bank at St. Louis, & on leaving that place for
the Des Moines river, I was furnished by the house of Chouteau & Co. with
letters to the agent in the Indian country requesting him to furnish me with
men & other necessaries. On my return to St. Louis at the close of the Survey,
payment was made for the assistance obtained in men & provisions above, to
the house of Chouteau & Co., & a voucher taken accordingly. . . ." The men
named in the voucher are not further identified, though it is clear that "Vessar"
operated the trading house on the Des Moines which JCF mentions in his
report (our Doc. No. 37). Two brothers who were traders, Louis and Charles
Vauchard, are frequently mentioned in the David Adams Papers, MoSHi.
Voucher No. 6, St. Louis, 24 July 1841
U.S. to Charles A. Geyer
For services rendered the U.S. as an engage and boat hand
on the Survey of the Des Moines River from 22 June to 22
July, 31 days @ 1.50 per diem. 46.50
To amount expended in purchase of provisions for party dur-
ing march from Churchville, Mo., to the Indian agency on
the Des Moines 1-50
48.00
Voucher No. 7, Washington, 19 Aug. 1841
U.S. to f. N. Nicollet
For services rendered the U.S. as superintendent of North
Western Surveys, from 1 to 31 July 1841, 31 days @ 8.00
per diem 248.00
Voucher No. 8, Washington, 19 Aug. 1841
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered the U.S. as superintendent of North
Western Surveys, from 1 to 30 June 1841, 30 days @ 8.00
per diem 240.00
Voucher No. 9, Washington, 20 Sept. 1841
U.S. to Jane Cummin gs
To hire of 3 rooms and servant at 40 per month, 3 months
from 20 June to 20 Sept. 1841 120.00
Endorsed by J. J. Abert with the explanation that Secretary of War Poinsett
had approved the hire of the rooms.
112
Fourth Quarter, 1841
Voucher No. 1, Springfield, Mass., 22 Oct. 1841
U.S. to Wm. Bond & Son
For a new detent spring, new ruby pellet, adjusting and
cleaning a silver pocket chronometer 20.00
Voucher taken by Capt. W. H. Swift, Corps of Topographical Engineers,
who was then paid by JCF. A manuscript business directory of Springfield
for 1820-53, in the possession of the Springfield Library and Museums As-
sociation, shows no listing for William Bond & Son. We cannot connect this
firm with William Cranch Bond (1789-1859), who had a private observatory
in Dorchester, Mass., before moving to Cambridge in 1839 to establish the
Harvard Observatory.
Voucher No. 2, Washington, 20 Oct. 1841
U.S. to A. D. Melcher
To taking down, repairing, and moving drawing table 2.70
A. D. Melcher not identified.
Voucher No. 3, Washington, 13 Dec. 1841
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered to the U.S. as superintendent of Sur-
veys West of the Mississippi from 1 Aug. to 30 Nov, 1841,
122 days @ 8.00 per diem 976.00
Voucher No. 4, Washington, 13 Dec. 1841
U.S. to ]. N. Nicollet
For traveling expenses incurred in the following journey,
performed under the direction of the Secretary of War:
From Washington to New York, 225 mi. 22.50
To Albany, 151 mi. 15.10
To Oswego via Syracuse, 172 mi. 17.20
To Kingston and return, 120 mi. 12.00
To Niagara, 120 mi. 12.00
To Buffalo, 26 mi. 2.60
To Chicago round the northern lake, 1000 mi. 100.00
Exploration of the south end of Lake Michigan and return
to Chicago, 325 mi. 32.50
Chicago and Illinois Canal to Peru, 102 mi. 10.20
"3
Exploration of the Illinois coal region, 415 mi. 41.50
From Peru to St. Louis, 400 mi. 40.00
Exploration of the American Bottom and shale mineral re-
gion in the state of Missouri, 380 mi. 38.00
From Meramec to White River on the Mississippi, 624 mi. 62.40
To the mouth of Ohio River, 462 mi. 46.20
To Wheeling, 887 mi. 88.70
To Washington, 264 mi. 26.40
567.30
Endorsement by Albert M. Lea: "It appears that there was no written
authority or orders given to Mr. Nicollet for the travelling charged for in the
within account, and it has been submitted to me, as the late Chief Clerk of the
War Department, for a statement of the intentions or directions of the late
Secretary of War on the subject. A representation made to the Secretary of
War that Mr. Nicollet's duties would not necessarily require his presence in
the city during the Autumn of 1841, and that it was important to the com-
pleteness of the work then under preparation by him, the Secretary in per-
son and through me directed Mr. Nicollet to perform a tour of observation
and exploration. ... It was intended by the Secretary at the time that all Mr.
Nicollet's necessary expenses should be paid by the government. . . . Wash-
ington, D.C., Feby. 21, 1842."
Albert M. Lea, mentioned briefly in our note for Doc. No. 30, served for
a time as chief clerk of the War Department under Secretary John Bell, and
was also Acting Secretary for six weeks under President Tyler.
Voucher No. 5, Baltimore, 18 Dec. 1841
U.S. to Auguste Richard
1 Buquet's [}] chronometer 320.00
Auguste Richard was a watchmaker on Fayette Street, Baltimore, in 1842;
by 1850 his name had disappeared from the directories.
Voucher No. 6, Washington, 24 Dec. 1841
U.S. to Lemuel Williams
To making slat for drawing table 1.00
Lemuel Williams not identified.
Voucher No. 7 , Washington, 10 Jan. 1842
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services to the U.S. as superintendent of Surveys West
of the Mississippi, for 31 days, 1 Dec. to 31 Dec. 1841, @
8.00 per diem 248.00
114
Voucher No. 8, Washifigton, 9 Oct. 1841
U.S. to Baltimore & Ohio Railroad
For transportation and charges on the box containing geo-
logical specimens from the Des Moines River, from Balti-
more to Washington. .75
Charges paid in Baltimore 2.62
The vouchers presented above are in DNA-217, Third Auditor's Reports
and Accounts, Acct. Nos. 12245, 13327, and 14900.
37. Fremont to J. J. Abert
Washington City D.C. April 14th 1842
Sir,
Herewith I have the honor to enclose a brief Report, accompanied
by a Map,^ of the Survey of the Des Moines river, from the Racoon
Fork to the mouth, made conformably to your directions in July
1841. Very respectfully Sir your Obdt. Servt.
J. C. Fremont
2d Lieut. Topi. Engineers
[Enclosure^
Sir,
In pursuance of orders received at this city in June 1841, I left on
the 27th of the same month the small settlement of Churchville," on
the west Bank of the Mississippi, a few hundred yards below the
mouth of the Des Moines river. The road for about nine miles lay
over a luxuriant prairie bottom, bordered by the timber of the Fox
& Des Moines Rivers,^ & covered with a profusion of flowers, among
which the characteristic plant was Psoralia Orobrychis [scurf pea].
Ascending the Bluffs & passing about two miles through a wood
where the prevailing growth was Quercus nigra mixed with im-
bricaria [Q. marilandica, black jack oak, and Q. imbricaria, shingle
oak], we emerged on a narrow level prairie, occupying the summit
of the ridge between the Fox & Des Moines rivers. It is from one and
a half miles to three miles in width, limited by the timber which
generally commences with the descent of the river hills. Journeying
"5
along this, the remainder of the day & the next brought us at eve-
ning to a Farm house on the verge of the prairie about two miles & a
half from Chiquest [Chequest] Creek. The route next morning led
among, or rather over the river hills, which were broken, wooded &
filled with the delicate fragrance of the Ceanothus [redroot], which
grew here in great quantities. Crossing Chiquest about four miles
from the mouth, we forded the Des Moines at the little town, Port-
land, about ten miles above the mouth of the creek. The road now
led along the northern bank, which was fragrant & white with elder
[Sambucus canadensis L.] & a ride of about twelve miles brought us
to the little village of lowaville, lying on the line which separates the
Indian lands from those to which their title has already been extin-
guished. After leaving this place we began to fall in with parties of
Indians on horseback, & here and there scattered along the river
bank, under tents of blankets stretched along the boughs, were In-
dian families, the men lying about smoking & the women engaged
in making baskets & cooking — apparently as much at home as if
they had spent their lives on the spot. Late in the evening we arrived
at the Post of Mr. Phelps, one of the partners of the American Fur
Company.^ Up to this point there are three plants which more es-
pecially characterize the Prairies & which were all in their places
very abundant. The Psoralia Orobrychis, which prevailed in the bot-
tom near the mouth of the Des Moines, gave place on the higher
prairies to a species of casalia,'' which was followed, on its disappear-
ance farther up, by Parthenium integrifolium. The Prairie bottoms
bordering the river were filled with Lyatris pycnostachya & a few
miles above Portland, on the north Bank of the river, were quanti-
ties of Liatris resinosa mingled with Rudbackia digitata.
On the Bluflfs here the growth was principally Quercus alba, inter-
spersed with tunctoria & macrocarpa & sometimes carya alba. All
these now and then appear in the bottoms, with carya oliveformis
& Tilia. Ulmus americana & fulvia, Betula rubra with ostrya virgi-
nica & Gymnocladus canadensis are found on the bottom land of the
creeks. Populus canadensis & Salix form groves in the inundated
river bottoms, & the Celtis occidentalis is found every where.
Having been furnished with a guide & other necessaries by the
uniform kindness of the American Fur Company, we resumed our
journey on the morning of the first of July & late in the evening
reached the house of Mr. Jameson,*' another of the Company's Posts,
ii6
about twenty miles higher up. Making here the necessary prepara-
tions, I commenced on the morning of the third, a survey of the
river valley.
A canoe with Instruments & Provisions & manned by five men,
proceeded up the river while in conformity to Instructions which
directed my attention more particularly to the Topography of the
Southern side, I forded the river & proceeded by land. The char-
acter of the river rendered the progress of the boat necessarily
slow & enabled me generally to join them at night, after having
made during the day a satisfactory examination of the neighbouring
country. Proceeding in this way we reached the Racoon Fork ' on
the evening of the ninth of July. I had found the whole region
densely & luxuriantly timbered. From Mule Creek to the Eastward
as far as Chiquest the forests extend with only the interruption of a
narrow prairie between the latter & Soap Creek. The most open
country is on the uplands bordering Cedar River, which consists of
a prairie with a rich soil, covered with the usual innumerable flowers
& copses of hazel & wild plum. This prairie extends from the mouth
of Cedar river to the top of the Missouri dividing ridge, which is
here at its nearest approach to the Des Moines river, the timber of the
Chariton or Southern Slope, being not more than twelve miles dis-
tant. From this point to the Racoon Fork the country is covered with
heavy & dense bodies of timber, with a luxuriant soil & almost im-
penetrable undergrowth.
Acer saccharinum of an extraordinary size, Juglans cathartica, &
nigra, with Celtis crassifolia,^ were among the prevailing growth,
flourishing as well on the broken slopes of the bluffs as on the up-
lands. With the occasional exception of a small prairie shut up in
the forests, the only open land is between the main tributaries of the
Des Moines, towards which narrow strips of prairie run down from
the main ridge. The heaviest bodies lie on the three rivers where it
extends out to the top of the main ridge, about thirty miles. On the
northern side of the Des Moines the ridge appeared to be continuously
wooded, but with a breadth of only three to five miles as the streams
on that side are all short creeks. A very correct idea of the relative
quantity & disposition of Forest land & Prairie will be conveyed by
the rough sketch annexed [not printed].
Having determined the position of the Racoon Fork, which was
one of the principal objects of my visit to this country, I proceeded
117
to make a survey of the Des Moines river thence, to the mouth. In
the course of the survey which occupied me until the twenty second
of July, I was enabled to fix four additional astronomical positions,
which I should have preferred had time permitted, to place at the
mouth of the principal tributaries.
From the Racoon fork, to its mouth, the Des Moines winds a cir-
cuitous length of two hundred & three miles through the level & rich
alluvium of a valley a hundred & forty miles long & varying in
breadth from one to three & sometimes four miles.
Along its whole course are strips of dense wood, alternate with
rich prairies entirely beyond the reach of the highest waters, which
seldom rise more than eight feet above the low stage. Acer eriocar-
pum ^ which is found on the banks of such rivers as have a gravelly
bed, is seen almost constantly along the shore, next to the salix and
populus canadensis, which border the water's edge.
The bed of the river is sand & gravel & sometimes rock, of which
the rapids generally consist. All of these which presented themselves,
deserving the name, will be found noted on the accompanying map
& two of the more important are represented on a large scale. After
these, the most considerable rapid above the Great Bend is at the
head of the island above Keokuck's village. The bend in the river
here is very sharp, the water swift, with a fall of about one foot, & a
bottom of loose rocks with a depth of two feet at the lowest stage.
At the mouth of Tohlman's creek^*^ is a rocky rapid used as a ford,
whose depth at low water is only one foot. The rapid of the Great
Bend,^^ ^ miles below Chiquest creek has a fall of twelve inches &
so far as I could ascertain had formerly a depth of eighteen inches
at low water. A Dam has been built at this place & the river passes
through an opening of about forty feet. Another dam has been built
at a rapid twelve miles lower down, where the river is six hundred
& fifty feet wide. The fall, which I had no means to ascertain cor-
rectly was represented to me as slight, with a depth of eighteen
inches at lowest water. Four & a half miles lower down, at Farming-
ton,^" another dam & mill are in course of construction, but the rapid
here is inconsiderable & the low water depth greater than at the
other two.
I regret that I had neither the time nor the Instruments requisite,
to determine accurately, the velocity & fall of the river, which I esti-
mated at six inches per mile making a total fall of about one hun-
dred feet from the Racoon to the mouth. It is three hundred & fifty
ii8
feet wide between the perpendicular banks at the mouth of the Ra-
coon, from which it receives about one third its supply of water &
which is two hundred feet wide a little above the mouth. Its width
increases very regularly to over six hundred feet at Mr. Phelp's post,
between which, & seven hundred feet it varies until it enters the
Mississippi bottom near Francisville^^ where it becomes somewhat
narrower & deeper. At the time of my visit, the water was at one of
its lowest stages, & at the shallowest place above Cedar river, known
as such to the Fur Company boatmen, I found a depth of twenty
inches. The principal difficulties in the navigation, more especially
above the Cedar consist in the sand-bars. These, which are very
variable in position, sometimes extend entirely across the river & often
terminate abruptly, changing from a depth of a few inches, to eight &
twelve feet. From my own observations, joined to the information
obtained from Mr. Phelps who has resided about twenty years on
this river & who has kept boats upon it constantly during that period, I
am enabled to present the following, relative to the navigation, as
data that may be relied upon.
Steamboats drawing four feet water, may run to the mouth of
Cedar river from the 1st of April to the middle of June, & keel boats
drawing two feet, from the 20th of March to the 1st of July, & those
drawing twenty inches again from the middle of October to the 20th
of November. Mr. Phelps ran a Mississippi Steamer to his post, a dis-
tance of eighty-seven miles from the mouth, & a company are now
engaged in building one to navigate the river. From these observa-
tions it will be seen that this river is highly susceptible of improve-
ment, presenting no where any obstacles that would not yield read-
ily & at slight expense. The removal of loose stone at some points, &
the construction of artificial banks at some few others, to destroy
the abrupt bends, would be all that is required. The variable nature
of the bed & the velocity of the current would keep the channel
constantly clear.
The Botany & Geology of the region visited, occupied a consider-
able share of my attention. Should it be required by the Bureau these
may form the subject of a separate report. In this I have noticed the
prevailing growth & characteristic plants, & those places at which
coal beds presented themselves will be found noted on the map.
Very Respectfully Sir Your Obdt. Servt.
J. C. Fremont.
2d. Lt. Topi. Engineers.
119
Table of Distances.
Miles Miles
131
9
22|
%
28
16f
44|
%
54
^
62i
3|
66
11
77
From Racoon Fork to Upper 3 Rivers [North R.]
Upper 3 Rivers to Middle 3 Rivers [Middle R.]
Middle 3 Rivers to Lowest 3 Rivers [South R.]
Lowest 3 Rivers to Red Rock Rapids
Red Rock Rapids to White Breast River
[White Breast Creek]
White Breast River to Eagle Nest Rapids
Eagle Nest Rapids to English River^'*
English River to Cedar River [Cedar Creek]
Cedar River to Vessar's Trading House,
A. F. C. 17 94
Vessar's Trading house, A.F.C. to Phelp's
Trading House, A.F.C. 22 116
Phelps T, H., A.F.C. to Soap Creek
Soap Creek to Shoal Creek [Lick Creek]
Shoal Creek to Dam at Rapid of the
Great Bend
Dam at Rapid of the Great Bend to
Second Dam
Second Dam to Indian Creek
Indian Creek to Sweet Home [ ? ]
Sweet home to [St.] Francisville landing
Francisville's landing to Sugar or
Half breed Creek
Half Breed Creek to the Mouth
ALS-JBF, RC (DNA-77, LR). Now that John and Jessie are married, the
phrase "autograph letter, signed" becomes a rather vague term. Jessie now
begins the lifetime task of writing nearly all of JCF's letters; she does not
hesitate to sign them "J. C. FVemont" and let the recipient assume they are
in her husband's hand. She will even certify Army vouchers, at a later time,
and sign his name to the certification. Our solution is to coin a symbol, ALS-
JBF, meaning a letter purportedly written and signed by JCF but actually
produced in its entirety by Jessie Benton Fremont. Where variants are signifi-
cant, they will be noted.
1. JCF is referring to the large map drawn to a scale of 1:200,000 and
labeled, "A Survey of the Des Moines River from the Racoon Fork to the
Mouth Made in July 1841 by Lieut. J. C. Fremont, Corps Topi. Engineers."
The original is in the cartographic records of DNA-77, designated as map
Q7-1. It is not reproduced here.
2. A village no longer extant, between Alexandria, Mo., and Keokuk, Iowa.
120
121
128|
151
144i
8
152i
12
164i
6
170i
7i
1771
%
1871
n
19^
9
203i
3. The Fox enters the Mississippi from the west, just below the Des Moines.
The Des Moines is a major river, draining a large portion of the state of
Iowa and entering the Mississippi below Keokuk, Iowa. All of JCF's survey
was made in the state of Iowa.
4. A trading house near the Indian village headed by Keokuk, titular
leader of the Sauk and Fox tribes. William Phelps was in charge of this one,
and his brother Sumner had a similar establishment in Kansas. For Indian
complaints against William, and against P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company, see
Annals of Iowa, ser. 3, 15:256-57. Listed as residing in Clark County, Mo.,
he was one of the creditors of the confederated Sauk and Fox tribes at a treaty
signed with the Indians 11 Oct. 1842 (ibid., 12:335-81).
5. Cacalia tuberosa, Indian plantain. }CF adopted tree names from Michaux,
North American Sylva. Other plants mentioned in this paragraph and
the next include: Parthenium integrijolium, wild quinine; Liatris pycno-
stachya and Liatris spicata var. resinosa, blazing star; Rudbec\ia sp., cone-
flower; Quercus alba, white oak; 0. velutina, black oak; Q. macrocarpa, bur
oak; Carya ovata, shagbark hickory, or C. glabra, pignut hickory; C. illi-
noensis, pecan; Tilia americana, basswood; JJlmus amencana, American elm;
JJ . rubra, slippery elm; Betula nigra, river birch; Ostrya virginiana, ironwood;
Gymnodadus dioicus, Kentucky coffee tree; Populus deltoides, eastern cotton-
wood; Salix, willow; Celtis occidentalis, hackberry.
6. We have not identified Mr. Jameson, but he must surely turn up some
day in the Chouteau or American Fur Company papers if the name is correct.
JCF's map shows "Vessar's" trading house about where Jameson's would be,
near present Ottumwa, Iowa, and the vouchers show a payment to a man
named Vessar fVauchard?], first name not given.
7. The Raccoon River joins the Des Moines from the west within the city
limits of Des Moines, Iowa.
8. For sugar maple, Acer saccharum, JCF followed Michaux in "Acer
saccharinum"; Juglans cinerea, butternut, and /. nigra, black walnut; Celtis
occidentalis, hackberry.
9. Michaux's name for A. saccharinum, silver maple.
10. Perhaps Holcomb Creek, entering the Des Moines from the west in
Van Buren Countv, Iowa.
11. This bend is a convolution of the Des Moines in Van Buren County.
The town of Keosauqua is located about midway in the so-called Great Bend.
12. In Van Buren County.
13. Now called St. Francisville, in Clark County, Mo.
14. Not identified. The present English River is farther north, the largest
affluent of the Iowa.
38. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topogrl. Engineers
Washington, April 25. 1842
Sir
You will repair as soon as practicable to Fort Leavenworth in order
to make a Survey of the Platte or Nebraska river, up to the head of
121
the Sweetwater. Having been already employed on such duties, and
being well acquainted with the kind of Survey required, it is not
necessary to enumerate the objects to which your attention will be
directed.
After having completed the Survey of the Platte, should the sea-
son be favorable, you will make a similar survey of the Kansas.
These duties being completed, you will return to this place in order
to prepare the drawings & report.
You will submit without delay the requisite estimate for these
duties. Very Respectfully,
J. J. Abert. C. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:325). Apparently it was now clear to all concerned
that the ailing Nicollet, originally scheduled to lead this survey, no longer
had the strength for such an undertaking.
Going to the head of the Sweetwater would lead JCF to South Pass on the
Continental Divide, and plainly this is one object of the orders. No other set
of orders has been found in letterbooks of the bureau. But in later years,
Thomas Hart Benton claimed that the original orders had been too restrictive
and that JCF himself had found it necessary to get them altered: "Col. Abert,
the chief of the corps, gave him an order to go to the frontier beyond the Mis-
sissippi. That order did not come up to his [JCF's] views. After receiving it
he carried it back, and got it altered, and the Rocky Mountains inserted as an
object of his exploration, and the South Pass in those mountains named as a
particular point to be examined, and its position fixed by him" (benton [1],
2:478).
39. }. J. Abert to Fremont
Sir
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington, April 25th 1842
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your estimate of funds for
the Survey of the Platte or Nebraska & Kansas rivers, and to inform
you that a requisition has been this day made in your favor for
$4000, to be remitted to you at St. Louis Missr. Very Respectfully,
J. J. Abert CL. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:325-26). JCF's estimate, bearing the same date, is
registered in the bureau files but not found. The register entry states he esti-
mated the cost of his survey of the Platte and Kansas at $4,000.
122
I
I
40. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington, May 9th 1842
Sir
I have just received your letter of the 5th instt.; there are two
errors in it, which it is proper to bring to your notice.
1st. You have no authority to purchase instruments: There is an
order prohibiting purchases of this kind without a requisition for
the same being previously submitted & approved.
2nd. You have no authority to draw for money, and without
special authority for drawing; the practice is strictly prohibited.
Presuming you to be unacquainted with these matters, the pur-
chase of the chronometer is approved and the draft will be paid;
but hereafter you must not expect similar indulgence. Very re-
spectflly,
J. J. Abert. C. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:342). Entered in the bureau's register but not found,
JCF's letter of 5 May in which he writes that he has purchased a box
chronometer and drawn on Abert for $310. Also registered is the transmittal
of the draft by Arthur Stewart, on 7 May, asking that the amount be re-
mitted.
41. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington, May 26th 1842
Sir
You stand charged on the books of this office with the following
instruments recvd. from Cpt. [W. G.] Williams, and no return has
been received from you since:
1 Sextant
1 Theodolite
2 Surveyor's compasses
123
2 Boxes drawing instruments
Your immediate attention to this matter is. desirable. Very respect-
fully,
J. J. Abert, CI. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:375). JCF may have had these instruments since
his work with WilHams on the Cherokee survey in 1838. In military parlance,
a "return" is a periodic inventory of equipment, supplies, or personnel.
42. Contract with Honore Ayot
[26 May 1842]
Before the [blanl{] the undersigned was present.
Honore Ayot who has voluntarily committed himself and com-
mits himself by these presents to /. C. Fremont at this time and ac-
cepting for his first assignment to leave this post in the capacity of
voyageur-hunter in order to make the trip, both out and back, and
to winter during the space of some months more or less, to go on
the Missouri and into the mountains, free upon his return to St.
Louis, subsisting on Indian corn or other sustenance obtained in the
wilderness.
And to have well and duly taken care of, on the road and once at
the said place, all merchandise, furs, victuals, utensils, and all things
necessary for the journeys, trading, and wintering: to serve, obey
and faithfully execute all that the said /. C. Fremont, or all persons
to whom the said Fremont authorizes by these presents to transfer
this commitment, will order him to make his profit legal and honest,
avoid doing harm, warn him of all things touching his interest
which come to his knowledge, work in the posts, cities, villages and
countrysides not considered as wilderness, so required and gener-
ally all that a good [blanl{\ should, and is obligated to do, with-
out providing for the carrying out of trade for his own person,
neither with the whites nor with the Indians, nor absenting himself
nor leaving the said service, under the penalties provided by the laws
and the loss of his wages.
This commitment thus made, for and depending upon the sum
124
of twenty piastres, money of the United States, that the said /. C.
Fremont or to whomever this commitment is transferred promises
and binds himself to lease and pay to the said [blan]{\ one month
after its term has passed.
Made and dispatched at St. Louis the twenty-sixth of May in the
year one thousand eight hundred forty-two and signed, with the
exception of said [blanf{\ having declared not to know how to sign,
has made his usual mark after cognizance taken
In the presence of the witness
M. S. Cerre^ his
HoNORE X Ayot
mar^
DS (CLSM). The original is in French. A printed form, obviously in com-
mon use for the employment of voyageurs, etc. In the translation above,
penned-in words are shown in italics. For a facsimile reproduction of the
original, see wheat [2]. No biographical information is available for Honore,
but probably a brother or a cousin was Alexis Ayot, who was with JCF on the
expedition of 1843-44 and lost a leg as the result of a gunshot wound (Ru-
dolph Bircher to JCF, 15 Sept. 1844, Sen. Doc. 329, 29th Cong., 1st sess.,
Serial 476).
1. For a note on Michel Sylvestre Cerre, see under Doc. No. 27.
43. Benjamin Clapp to Andrew Drips
Saint Louis 30 May 1842
Dear Sir.
This will be presented by our friend Lieut. J. C. Fremont of the
U. S. Army, now on his route to the interior to make certain Sur-
veys, &ct. by direction of the Government, whom we beg to intro-
duce to your acquaintance.
As this Gentleman will need some person acquainted with the
country, the mode of voyaging &c. we have recommended that he
avail of your good services for that purpose, & trust you will consent
to accompany him — With this view, & to that effect, we wrote you
a few lines the other day by the men who went up with Mr. Fre-
mont's Horses.
125
You will of course make your own arrangements as regards com-
pensation &c. — Very truly yours &c.
P. Chouteau Junr. & Co.
Ben J. Clapp
ALS, RC (MoSHi — Drips Papers). The letter was directed to Drips at
Westport; the earlier one mentioned in the second paragraph is not on file.
Benjamin Clapp (1790-1849) was one of the associates of P. Chouteau, Jr.,
and Company, having come to St. Louis in 1838. He had earlier been affiliated
with John Jacob Astor and, at Mackinac, with Crooks, Abbott & Company
(St. Louis Weekly Reveille, 2 July 1849). Andrew Drips (1789-1860) was
born in Westmoreland County, Pa., and after service in the War of 1812 had
migrated to St. Louis. After connections with several firms, he may have
worked for a time as clerk for the Missouri Fur Company. By 1822, he was
associated with fur trader William H. Vanderburgh. His career in the Mis-
souri country was a long one. JCF planned to hire him but, while en route up
the Missouri and before seeing Drips, he met and hired Christopher Carson
instead. Probably Drips would have hesitated to go anyway, as he had an
application for special Indian agent for the Upper Missouri pending with the
government. He learned of his appointment 29 Aug. 1842, while JCF was in
the field (anderson, 292-96). See also sunder. For a note on Carson, see p.
15L
44. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington, July 8th 1842.
Sir
Your letter of the 25th May submitting an estimate for four thou-
sand dollars has been duly received. Such estimates are inadmissible.
It is necessary to state in some detail the objects of the estimate, that
the Bureau may be able to judge of the propriety of the expenditures
contemplated, and whether or not they are kept strictly within the
orders which you have received and the duties which have been as-
signed to you, as it is only to that extent that your expenditures can
be approved. Very respectfully,
J. J. Abert. CI. C.T.E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:417). In a letter registered by the bureau but no
longer present, JCF had written that his original estimate of $4,000 for the
survey would not be sufficient, and asked for an additional $4,000.
126
45. J. J. Abert to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington, July 28th 1842
Gentn.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
17th instt.^
Lieut. Fremont has not furnished this office with the least inti-
mation, direct or indirect, of any advances made by you. I have no
doubt the advances was made, upon your statement, and am fully
sensible of your frequent kindnesses in this respect. But Lieut. Fre-
mont should not have called upon you, as there was a sufficiency of
funds to meet his wants, and he was supplied with 4000$ more on
the 25th of May, but it was not sent, for reasons which were com-
municated to him by letter and because it was known that he would
be absent if it were sent.^
The only duties assigned to him were the Surveys of the Kansas
and the Platte, and if he makes these cost the amount of his requisi-
tions, it will be nearly equal to much larger expeditions, and much
more extensive Surveys in that quarter.
As soon as Lt. Fremont returns and makes a proper application
for funds it will be complied with. Believe me to be
J. J. Abert, CI. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77,LS, 5:440-41).
1. This letter, calling the Topographical Bureau's attention to the necessity
of providing means to meet the expenses of JCF's expedition upon his re-
turn to St. Louis, was entered in the register but not found.
2. Abert seems to mean that the money was allocated on the basis of JCF's
request of 25 May, but held up until the need for it could be clarified.
127
46. J. J. Abert to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
Bureau of Topogrl. Engineers
Washington, August 1st 1842
Gentn.
Please to inform me when you think Lt. Fremont will return to
St. Louis, and what amount will be required to enable him to close
his accounts. Very respectfully,
J. J. Abert, CI. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:443). In a letter registered but not found, the Chou-
teau firm replied 11 Aug. that JCF was expected back in St. Louis by 1
Oct., and that he would need about $4,000 to close his accounts.
47. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Sm
Bureau of Topi. Engineers
Washington Aug. 13th 1842
I have to inform you that a requisition has been this day made in
your favor for 3000$ to meet your payments on account of the Sur-
veys of the Platte & Kansas river. Very respectfully,
J. J. Abert. CI. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 5:455). Abert has trimmed by $1,000 JCF's estimate of
additional funds needed to complete his survey — an estimate confirmed by
P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company which had provided the money.
48. Fremont to John Torrey
Washington D. C. Novr. 16th 1842
Sir
I transmit to you by to-day's Cars a Collection of Plants which I
have made during the present year in the course of a Geographical
Exploration to the Rocky Mountains. The region, over which the
128
collection was made, extends from the 39th to the 43d. degree of
North Latitude & from about the 95th to the 112th degree West
Longitude. The labels which are affixed to the plants will enable us
to assign them their exact localities on a Topographical Map of the
country which I am now engaged in constructing, based upon numer-
ous Astronomical positions, & the Barometrical observations which
I succeeded in to the top of the Mountains, will give us their limits.
In their present state I am afraid you will find it almost impossible
to fix localities from the labels & I regret that I have no means at
present to render them more clear.
I think that you will already have heard from Professor Jeager^
on this subject. It will be necessary for me to annex a catalogue of
the plants to my report, which will be required for the use of the Con-
gress early in the Session. Mr. Jeager informed me that it would suit
your present engagements to give the necessary time to this examina-
tion & that he felt assured you would furnish me with a Catalogue in
a few weeks. Should these plants possess any interest for you, I trust
that they will be an apology for the liberty I have taken. It is prob-
able that next year I shall be sent to continue these Explorations to
the Pacific, & I shall be very much gratified if you will take some
interest in my researches & enable me to give to any thing I may find
interesting in your science, the authority of your name.
The Box will be left to your order at Mr. Ernest Berthoud's,^ No.
8 Pine St. When your leisure will permit, I shall be happy to hear
from you & in the mean time, am Very Respectfully,
J. C. Fremont
Lieut. Topi. Engineers
ALS, RC (NNNBG). Endorsed, "Reed. Nov. 18." As far as we are aware,
this is the earliest surviving letter written after JCF returned from his expedi-
tion. Now that he is back in Washington, it would seem logical to present his
report of the expedition at this point: but there are compelling reasons to
present the documents in chronological order — and JCF did not complete his
report and submit it to Abert until 1 March 1843. It is presented as our Doc.
No. 61, beginning on p. 168.
John Torrey (1796-1873), professor of chemistry at Columbia and Prince-
ton and "father" of the New York Botanical Garden and the United States
National Herbarium, was a pioneer taxonomic botanist. His name is often
linked to that of another well-known botanist, Asa Gray, because the two
worked for long years to classify and describe plant specimens brought back
from the West. They also collaborated on a monumental . flora of North
America. See torrey & gray, and for biographies of Torrey, see rodgers and
c. c. robbins.
129
1. Benedict Jaeger (1789-1869) was professor of German and Italian, and
lecturer on natural history, at Princeton (wertenbaker, 121, 127; meisel,
3:455, 456, 604).
2. Ernest Berthoud not identified.
49. John Torrey to Asa Gray
New York, Novr. 18th 1842
My dear friend —
A few days ago I reed, a letter from Jaeger — formerly of Prince-
ton, giving me an account of some plants collected towards the
Rocky Mountains by a Lt. Fremont in the U. S. service. He advised
the gentleman to send the whole to me — & this morning a letter
arrived from the gentleman himself — informing me that the box was
dispatched from Washington on the 16th. It is by this time in N.
York. The specimens were collected, he says "the present year, in the
course of a geographical exploration to the Rocky, Mountains. The
region over which the collection was made, extends from the 39th to
the 43d degree of N. Latitude & from the 95th to the 112 deg. W.
Longitude. The labels which are affixed to the specimens will en-
able us to assign them their exact localities on a topographical
map of the country which I am now engaged in constructing, based
upon numerous Astronomical positions, & the Barometrical observa-
tions which I succeeded in to the top of the mountains, will give us
their limits." He writes something like a foreigner, but he signs him-
self J. C. Fremont, Lt. Topog. Engineers. He expects, next year, to
continue the exploration to the Pacific & offers me what he collects.
So here is a chance for you to get seeds &c. How would it do to send
a collector with him. Leavenworth^ wishes to go somewhere — &
this place might suit him — but not us — in all respects. When I get
the box, I will send you the Composhae & such duplicates of the
other (if there be any) as you may desire for your own herbm.
• • • •
Yours affectionately,
J. ToRREY
ALS, RC (MH-G). Asa Gray (1810-88), professor of natural history at
Harvard from 1842 until his death, was a founder of the National Academy
130
of Sciences and a regent of the Smithsonian Institution. In addition to the
Flora he produced with Torrey, he is best known for a work entitled Manual
of the Botany of the Northern United States. First published in 1848, it is
still in use today, in revised form, as Gray's Manual of Botany. For a bi-
ography, see DUPREE.
1. Melines C. Leavenworth (1796-1862), a botanist and Army surgeon who
had collected in the South during his military career. He had resigned from
the Army in 1840 and was therefore available "to go somewhere" (heitman;
RODGERs, 125, 155, 175-76, 210, 298).
50. Fremont to Joseph N. Nicollet
Washington, D.C. Nov. 27th 1842
My Dear Mr. Nicollet
I have deferred writing to you until I should have something to
say decisive of the fate of the Map^ — immediately after the receipt of
yours of the 10th [not foufid] I called on Col. A. & in an incidental
conversation he informed that he intended to publish the Map for
the present Congress, but seemed to have no objection whatever to
engraving the leading Ridges & prominent features of the Country,
& said he would send for Mr. Stone & see if sufficient time remained
for the Execution of that part of the work. After the lapse of some
days I received a note from him, directing me to call on Mr. Stone.
The latter informed me that it is entirely impossible to engrave any
part of the Topography, & that it had been determined to publish
what had been engraved, on the common thin paper, for the com-
meficement of this Session ; & that an estimate for the Engraving of
the Topographical part would be submitted & if the money could be
obtained, that work would be executed in the coming year. In an-
swer to my enquiry, why the work had not been executed during
the past summer, he told me that you would not permit the Mississippi
Sources nor the Southern part of the Map to be engraved, & that it
was impossible for him to engrave one portion of the Map without
the other, so that you had prevented the engraving of the Topog-
raphy— This is in substance what passed & will put you clearly in
possession of the position of affairs. He gave me one of the sheets for
correction, which I made & returned to him the next day. I also cor-
rected the Missouri at Leavenworth, & think that I could improve
that river if I had here the large Book which contains the survey; I
131
could then compare places with my late survey, which on the scale
of the map is not possible, or rather is very difficult.^ Write to me on
these subjects & think if I can be of any service to the Map — Now of
other afTairs, I have the pleasure to tell you that I have a fine little
daughter,^ eleven days old to-day. Jessie is sitting up & has got
through with her sickness very well indeed. The family send all
their regards to you, Col. Benton proposes to go to Baltimore, prob-
ably in the morning & told me that he will call to see you. Can you
have an occultation calculated for me so that I can get the result next
week ? If so I will send the data immediately & be very much obliged
to you. Give our regards to Dr. Ducaters"* family & write me as soon
as you can — Most truly yours,
J. C. Fremont
ALS, RC (PHi — Gratz Collection). On the back of the letter in Benton's
hand: "With the best wishes of Mr. Benton, and the hope that Mr. Nicollet
will soon be able to see his friends in Washington." Addressed to the care of
Dr. J. T. Ducatel on Franklin Street, Baltimore.
1. Two versions of the Nicollet map were produced: one dated 1842, printed
at a scale of 1:600,000 and distributed to the Senate in an edition of 300
copies; a second one, completely recalculated and re-engraved, done at a
scale of 1:1,200,000 to accompany the 1843 Report. The 1842 map is quite
scarce; we note one copy in DNA and two in DLC and have made no effort
to locate others. The 1843 map is reproduced in the Map Portfolio. It is also
available with Nicollet's Report and in a version reprinted from the original
plates by the Minnesota Historical Society in 1965.
For manuscript maps in the cartographic records of DNA-77 which pro-
vided copy for the engravers, see:
U.S. 41. "Sources of the Mississippi and North Red River," based on
Nicollet's surveys of 1836 and 1837. One sheet.
U.S. 131. Two maps bearing the same file number, each in four sheets, one
map measuring 75 X 61 inches and the other 78 X 62^ inches, each entided
"Map of the Hydrographical Basin of the Upper Mississippi River."
2. The "large Book" is the chart of the Missouri. JCF's "late survey" is his
1842 expedition to South Pass.
3. Elizabeth Benton Fremont, born 13 Nov. 1842 in Washington.
4. Julius Timoleon Ducatel (1796-1849), a friend of Nicollet's who was
later to become state geologist of Maryland. With J. H. Alexander he made a
new map and geological survey of the state (meisel, 2:553-57, 619).
132
51. Asa Gray to John Torrey
[5 Dec. 1842]
• • • •
Saturday afternoon
The parcel of Compositae &c. of the Far West has only just come
in. I have looked over the Compos, with some excitement. Some few
new, and the old help out Nuttall's^ scraps &c. very well. Tetra-
dymia's [horsebrush] this side of the Rocky Mts.!! Some new Sen-
ecio's [ragworts], especially from the Mountain near the snow line.
How I would like to botanize up there! I will give you an account of
these Compos, soon, and send back the spec, as you desire, selecting
one for myself where it will bear it. Pray remember me in this
matter as regards the other families of this collection.
'2
Monday morning
I meant to have sent this today in a parcel containing Carey's
Compos. (Senecio's & Thistles) from Nuttall: but I will retain them
longer, as I shall want to compare some of Nuttall's bits of Arte-
misia's [wormwood] &c. — with those of this new collection. I hope
to send it next week. Is the Lieutenant's name Fremont?
I have just looked over the parcel of Lupinus, Rosa & Oenothera.'^
I know nearly all, except the Lupines. If I do not send sooner, I shall
hope to bring them all back to you sometime next month. . . .
• • • •
I wish we had a collector to go with Fremont. It is a great chance.
If none are to be had, Lieut. F. must be indoctrinated , & taught to
collect both dried spec. & seeds. Tell him he shall be immortalized
by having the 999th Senecio called S. Fremonti, that's pos., for he has
at least two new ones. . . . This letter you see has no beginning, as
I have scribbled down memoranda for a day or two past, as they oc-
curred to me. ... I am deep among thistles, which are thorny. . . .
With kind remembrances to all at Princeton — when you see them
— I remain. Yours affectionately,
A. Gray
Cambridge, 5th Dec. 1842
ALS, RC (NNNBG). Addressed, "Prof. John Torrey, Medical College, 67
Crosby St., New York."
1. Thomas Nuttall (1786-1859), naturalist, botanist, and ornithologist, had
explored along the Missouri, Arkansas, and Red rivers, and with the Wyeth
expedition of 1834-35 had gone to the mouth of the Columbia. He became
professor of botany at Harvard and curator of its botanical garden. Much of
JCF's botanizing on his 1842 expedition was in an area already covered by
Nuttall, as the catalogue of plants (p. 286) will indicate.
2. John Carey, a good friend of Asa Gray's, had come from England in
1830 to dabble in business and botany. He had botanized with Gray in
Virginia and North Carolina in 1841, and worked on the sedges and willows
for Gray's manual. After a fire that destroyed his herbarium and took the life
of his son, he returned to England (dupree, 54, 97, 172, 201, 327).
3. Lupine or blue bonnet, wild rose, and evening primrose (Oenothera).
52. Fremont to J. C. Edwards
Washington City, December 10, 1842
Sir:
It will be a reply to a greater part of the questions contained in
your favor of the 7th, to say that the survey which I made of the Des
Moines in July, 1841, was simply geographical, and principally to
determine some astronomical positions, particularly at the mouth of
the Rackoon Fork. Any examination, therefore, of the rapids, or
other obstructions to the navigation, would be merely incidental;
and to those within the territorial line more especially the rapids of
the Great Bend, which had been made the subject of a particular
survey, I gave very little attention. There are some 10 or 12 rapids in
the space between the Rackoon Fork and the Great Bend, a distance
of 145 miles. Of the two largest, the Eagle Nest and Red Rock
rapids, you will find drawings on an enlarged scale on the map
which accompanies my report; the former is 108 and the latter 90
miles above the rapids of the Great Bend. At this last place, I esti-
mated the perpendicular fall to be 12 inches; and it is very probable
not less than two feet in 80 or 100 yards. The rapid at Lexington is
two miles and 1,000 yards south of that at the Great Bend, and by the
river 11| miles below. Heavy and continuous rains had occasioned a
rise of some feet when I made the survey of the lower part of the
river, and the rapid at Farmington, which is 15^ miles below that at
the Great Bend, and 5\ miles south of it, was then scarcely a ripple,
and below this point I remarked no rapids worthy the name.
134
In the course of surveys on the western tributaries of the upper
Mississippi, I found, among their numerous shoals, and in the lower
part of their course, one to which was usually given the name of falls
or rapids, by way of distinction. The "St. Peter's rapids," which form
a serious obstruction to the navigation of that river, occur about 60
miles from the mouth. Those of the Embarras river, of which there
are two, about one mile apart, with a perpendicular fall of three feet
each, are within the distance above mentioned from the mouth of
the river. To this line of falls, extending across these rivers from
north to south, and occasioned perhaps by a change in the formation,
I supposed that the rapids at the Great Bend might belong.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. C. Fremont
Lieut. Top. Efigineers
Printed, "Northern Boundary of Missouri," H.R. Doc. 38, at pp. 19-20, 27th
Cong., 3rd sess., Serial 420. Democratic Representative John Cummins Ed-
wards (1804-88) was from Missouri and served as governor in 1844 (biog. dir.
CONG.).
Also printed in H.R. Doc. 38 are JCF's report of his survey; the report of
W. Bowling Guion of 9 Oct. 1841 which came as a result of his instructions
of 1 Dec. 1840 to make a survey of the Des Moines and Iowa rivers; and the
report of Albert M. Lea, 19 Jan. 1839, to the commissioner of the General
Land Office. The object of all this interest was the northern boundary of Mis-
souri, which was in dispute because of the error of John C. Sullivan, a govern-
ment surveyor, in marking in 1816 the boundaries designated in the Osage
Indian treaty of 1808. A confusion of language and perhaps faulty knowledge
of geography also was involved, as Congress had authorized the northern
boundary to be the Sullivan line, describing it as passing through "the rapids
of the river Des Moines." Missourians and lowans disputed for twelve years
the meaning of the term: rapids in the Des Moines, or the better-known
rapids in the Mississippi just above the mouth of the Des Moines? In 1849,
the Supreme Court finally decreed that the old Sullivan line should stand.
There is no evidence in our records to show that JCF's survey was instigated
as a result of this dispute, but we suspect that it was — and that Senator
Benton of Missouri was somehow involved in having the survey made — just
as he surely must, of necessity, have been involved in the boundary dispute.
135
53. Financial Records, 1842
[31 Dec. 1842]
First and Second Quarters, 1842
Voucher No. 1, Washington, 11 Feb. 1842
U.S. to Charles Preuss
For services rendered to the U.S. as assistant draughtsman in
the Topographical Bureau @ 2.60 per diem, 31 days from
10 Jan. to 10 Feb. 1842 80.60
Charles Preuss (1803-54), a German cartographer, had worked for Fer-
dinand Hassler before joining Nicollet and JCF early in 1842. His association
with JCF was to extend over many years, and he was to prove himself a
highly skilled and conscientious mapmaker. He was not a happy or well-
adjusted man — he hanged himself in 1854 — but the extent of his frequent
miseries was not revealed until the translation and publication of his western
diaries in 1958 (preuss). There he comes through as a dour traveler, unhappy
with JCF, unhappy with hardship and inclement weather. Assuming that his
diaries are in part catharsis, we can place some credence in JCF's own recol-
lections of the man (memoirs, 70 and passim) as one who had served him
willingly and well. Quotations from the Preuss diaries will appear as notes in
this and subsequent volumes. Erwin G. and Elisabeth K. Gudde present the
best available biographical sketch in their preface to his diaries.
Voucher No. 2, Washington, 14 Feb. 1842
U.S. to E. & G. W. Blunt
1 sextant 120.00
1 circle 150.00
box, freight, etc. 2.00
272.00
Voucher No. 3, Baltimore, 1 March 1842
U.S. to James Green
18 Aug. 1841
1 mountain barometer repaired 6.00
1 ditto 3.00
1 ditto 3.50
1 thermometer 1.50
1 ditto .50
136
2 leather cases for barometer 5.00
20 Aug.
repairing sextant, 3 shades, eyepiece, &c. 4.00
Case for dipping needle 3.00
23 Aug. 1841
Strap for leather case .50
25 Aug.
1 hydrometer, Beaume 1.00
1 March 1842
repairing sextant, regraduating, &c. 18.00
repairing horizon box ,50
packing box .37^
2
46.871
Voucher No. 4, Washington, 25 March 1842
U.S. to John A. Blake
Repairing and binding 2 maps 4.25
John A. Blake was often engaged by the government to bind books and
official documents. He may be the same John A. Blake who, in the Daily Na-
tional Intelligencer for 24 Dec. 1839, advertised himself as an auctioneer and
commission merchant, with a variety of goods for sale at Centre Market
Place.
Voucher No. 5, Washington, 25 March 1842
U.S. to William King, Jr.
Taking down and removing a large drawing table from the
office of the Coast Survey, on 20 March 3.50
Voucher No. 6, Washington, 28 March 1842
V.S. to E. & G. W. Blunt
1 Troughton sextant and case 88.00
Voucher No. 7 , Washington, 1 April 1842
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered to the U.S. as superintendent of the
Surveys West of the Mississippi for 90 days, 1 Jan. to 31
March 1842, @ 8.00 per diem 720.00
137
Voucher No. 8, Washington, 1 April 1842
U.S. to Charles Preuss
For services rendered the U.S. as assistant to J. N. Nicollet
@ 2.60 per diem, 49 days from 11 Feb. to 31 March 1842 127.40
Endorsed by JCF: "The Hon. J. C. Spencer, Sec. at War, authorized J. N.
Nicollet to employ the above named Charles Preuss as assistant in his astro-
nomical & other calculations & drawings."
Voucher No. 9, Philadelphia, 21 April 1842
U.S. to Wm. H. C. Riggs
[ ] March
Refitting the hook inside the main spring, resetting by brazing
anew the cock diamond, polishing pivots, poising the bal-
ance, cleaning, reducing, and ascertaining rate of Chro-
nometer by Brockbank No. 739 15.00
William H. C. Riggs, watchmaker and chronometer maker, was located in
1847 at 126 S. Front Street and 13 Dock Street, Philadelphia.
Voucher No. 10, Washington, 26 April 1842
U.S. to Thomas R. Gedney
1 Massey's patent log 40.00
Thomas R. Gedney (d. 1857), a naval commander, lived on F Street N.
near Nineteenth W., Washington. He had been an assistant in the Coast
Survey and by direction of Ferdinand R. Hassler had surveyed New York
harbor and discovered a new channel.
Voucher No. 11, Washington, 27 April 1842
U.S. to F. W. Naylor
1 tin case for maps 2.62
In 1843, Francis Naylor, a turner, was located at 4i Street W. near C Street
S., Washington.
Voucher No. 12, Washington, 28 April 1842
U.S. to William Wiirdemann
repairing and cleaning a sextant for J. N. Nicollet 5.50
making 1| doz. silver and German silver draughting pens 2.70
additions to a camera lucida 2.50
138
German silver scale of /4o meters divided for Hoo,ooo 6.00
20 spiral springs for chronometer box 1.50
1820
In 1846, William Wiirdemann was a mathematical instrument maker on the
west side of Delaware Avenue, between B and C, in Washington. He had
done much work for Hassler in the Coast Survey.
Voucher No. 13, Washington, 28 April 1842
U.S. to William Fischer
7 ream Southworth's linen quarto, ruled 2.75
4 lead pencils .50
India rubber .06
inkstand 75^, ink 190 .94
sealing wax 25^, 1 stick India ink 370 .62
2 cards Hayden's pens .75
2 cards mapping pens 2.00
7^62
Voucher No. 14, Washington, 29 April 1842
U.S. to John A. Blake
lining with cotton 10 sheets largest size drawing paper 12.50
binding 1 small quarto volume in half morocco 1.00
l350
Voucher No. IS, Washington, 29 April 1842
U.S. to Pol /{in horn & Campbell
2 cases for instruments 7.00
1 case for spyglass 1.00
8^00
Voucher No. 16, New York,, 30 April 1842
U.S. to E. & G. W. Blunt
1 English nautical almanac 2.50
1 new [. . .], new balance staff and cleaning chronometer 11.00
1350
139
Voucher No. 17, Washington, 30 April 1842
U.S. to Charles Preuss
For services rendered to the U.S. as assistant to J. N. Nicollet,
@ 2.75 per diem for 30 days, 1 April to 30 April 1842 82.50
Voucher No. 18, Washington, 30 April 1842
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered the U.S. as superintendent of the Sur-
veys West of the Mississippi for 30 days, 1 April to 30
April 240.00
Voucher No. 19, Washington, 1 May 1842
U.S. to William King, Jr.
13 Oct. 1841
mirror for camera obscura .75
portable box to form the above 8.00
30 April 1842
packing box for instruments 11.00
packing 6 instrument boxes 3.00
1 pine table arranged to pack in box, for camp use 9.00
packing the same in a box 1.50
moving table to Coast Survey office 2.00
3525
Voucher No. 20, New York, 4 May 1842
U.S. to Arthur Stewart
1 first class 2-day London chronometer by French, No. 7810 300.00
1 land-carriage outside box, with extra pillows, cushion, &c. 10.00
310.00
In 1846, Arthur Stewart's firm, listed as "chronometers, merchant ex-
change," was on William at the corner of Wall Street, New York.
Voucher No. 21, New Yor\, 5 May 1842
U.S. to American Fur Company
1 three-breadths brown Russia sheeting tent 20.00
Rect. by Ramsay Crooks as president of the company.
140
Voucher No. 22, New Yor\, 5 May 1842
US. to E. & G. W. Blunt
3 May
1 mountain barometer in leather case 35.00
4 best thermometers in mahogany case, graduated to order 9.00
2 lbs. best refined quicksilver 2.00, box and bottle 25(z! 4.25
4825
Voucher No. 23, New Yor\, 4 May 1842
U.S. to A. Bininger & Co.
6 lbs. Dresden chocolate 4.50
Voucher No. 24, New YorI{, 5 May 1842
U.S. to Horace H. Day
1 air army boat or floater 150.00
2 pieces India rubber cloth 39.98
2 pots rubber composition 1.00
190.98
Horace H. Day had opened a small factory at New Brunswick, N.J., to
manufacture rubber fabrics in 1839. His interests soon conflicted with those of
Charles Goodyear, who patented a vulcanization process in 1844. After a
series of law suits, Day was permanently enjoined from further rubber man-
ufacture in 1852. For JCF's unfortunate experiences with the rubber boat, see
below, pp. 275-79.
Voucher No. 25, New York,, 5 May 1842
U.S. to Betijamin Pike & Sons
1 mountain barometer 25.00
1 leather case for same 2.00
1 boat compass 3.00
3000
Benjamin Pike & Sons were opticians at 166 Broadway, New York.
141
Voucher No. 26, New York,, 6 May 1842
U.S. to Moore, Baker & Co.
1 pair fine pistols in case 50.00
powder, caps, &c. 1.00
5L00
Moore, Baker & Co. had a gun and saddlery shop at 204 Broadway, New
York.
Voucher No. 27, Chicago, 15 May 1842
U.S. to Frink Walker & Co.
To furnishing an exclusive extra post coach for 2 persons and
14 cases containing instruments from Chicago to Peru 50.00
Frink, Walker, & Co. was a stage proprietor at the corner of Lake and
Dearborn Streets, Chicago.
Voucher No. 28, St. Louis, 25 May 1842
U.S. to E. M. Buckingham
For making 1 spirit gas field lamp 3.00
E. M. Buckingham was a dealer in stoves and hollow- ware at 130 N. First
Street, St. Louis.
Voucher No. 29, St. Louis, 26 May 1842
U.S. to Dinnies & Radford
6 half-bound blank books 10.75
1 doz. pencils, lead 1-25
1 penknife -75
1 card steel pens 1-00
1 bottle black ink .62
1 piece Indian rubber ^l^
15.00
Voucher No. 30, St. Louis, 26 May 1842
U.S. to Hendrick Tisius
2 pair ice shoes 10.00
2 pair iron plates and heels with steel nails 4.00
2 steel pins for sticks
50
14.50
Hendrick Tisius not further identified. When the purchase of these items
142
was questioned by the government auditors, JCF wrote in an accompanying
explanation: "The articles in this account were for use among the ice-fields
in the Survey of the Wind River Mts."
Voucher No. 31, St. Louts, 27 May 1842
U.S. to Carstens & Schuetze
1 lb. Jamaica arrowroot .50
1 lb. [. . .] .25
3 oz. purg[ative] pills 4.50
4 oz. laudanum .75
3% 6 oz. pure quicksilver 8.00
1 oz. iodine .75
1 oz. nitric acid .38
2 lbs. sulphur .50
24 doses emetic 3.00
24 doses Dover's pow^der 3.00
2 lancets 2.00
2l63
Voucher No. 32, St. Louis, 29 May 1842
U.S. to Jacob Blatttier
1 best quality French pocket compass 12.00
1 German pocket compass 12.00
1 common pocket compass 4.00
1 best quality thermometer 9.00
1 magnifying glass .75
1 pair forceps .75
1 magnet 1.50
40.00
Voucher No. 33, Baltimore, 1 June 1842
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services to the U.S. as superintendent of the North West-
ern Surveys for 31 days @ 8.00 per diem from 1 May to 31
May 1842 248.00
Voucher No. 34, Westport, Mo., 4 June 1842
U.S. to the Steamboat Rowena
3 June
passage for 17 men from St. Louis to Westport 114.75
143
freight on 468 lbs. 17.50
freight on 3 kegs powder 1.50
freight on 8 French carts [ ?] 24.00
157.75
Voucher No. 35, St. Louis, 10 June 1842
U.S. to C. & F. Chouteau
Bought of Boone & Hamilton:
1 double-barreled shotgun 35.00
2 rifles 30.00
1 coil rope 10.50
6 halters 9.00
12 tug ropes 3.00
8 dressed deerskins 16.00
12 boxes percussion caps 3.00
6 twilled bags 6.00
repairing guns 4.21
158.71
This document is a subvoucher rendered at Westport on 15 June 1842. The
main voucher is nearly illegible, but consists of sundries such as those shown
in voucher no. 31 for the second and third quarters, 1842. One entry reads:
"amount assumed to Boone & Hamilton, 158.71." The total is $503.00.
Cyprian and Francis Chouteau, sons of Pierre Chouteau, Sr., by Osage
mothers, together and separately maintained a number of posts on the Kansas
River for trade with the Indians. One joint enterprise was "Four Houses,"
established between 1813 and 1821 at the site of Bonner Springs, Kan. In
1825, the brothers built a post on the south side of the Kansas, about seven
miles from Westport, Mo., and in 1828-29, Cyprian located a post for trade
with the Delawares and Shawnees on the north side of the river, six miles
west of the Missouri line. It was from this last house that JCF organized his
first expedition, and it was also the main outfitting station for caravans en-
gaged in the Santa Fe trade {Kan. State Hist. Coll., 9:573-74).
Albert G. Boone, grandson of frontiersman Daniel Boone, had taken his
family to Westport about 1838. With James G. Hamilton, his partner, he ob-
tained a license in 1843 to trade with the Potawatomis, Weas, Ottawas, and
Piankeshaws (barry, pt. 10, 29:153, pt. 12, 29:474-75).
Voucher No. 36, Westport, Mo. Terr., 10 June 1842
U.S. to P. M. Chouteau
4 mules bought of L. Maxwell 160.00
1 barrel sugar 286 lbs. 28.60
1 sack coffee 188 lbs. 23.70
144
to blacksmithing 6.95
amount assumed to Boone & Hamilton 79.37
298.62
A subvoucher is present for the purchase of sundries from Boone & Hamil-
ton. JCF's endorsement explains that some of the purchases from that firm
were personal items for his men, "but these bills did not reach my hands
until after I had paid off my men, & I respectfully submit that the accidental
loss may not fall upon me."
P. M. Chouteau is probably Pierre Menard Chouteau, son of Francis Ges-
seau Chouteau (b. 1797). He had settled in Westport.
Voucher no. 6, third and fourth quarters of 1842 below, shows Maxwell
employed as a hunter for 152 days on the expedition. Lucien Bonaparte Max-
well (1818-75) was the grandson of trader Pierre Menard of Illinois, was re-
lated to the Chouteaus, and was a friend of Kit Carson. Probably in 1844,
he married the heiress of the vast Beaubien-Miranda tract in New Mexico,
and eventually became its sole owner. He would accompany JCF on his ex-
pedition to California in 1845 and play a role in the conquest of California
( DUNHAM [2]; PEARSON, 10). DUNHAM says that Maxwell had accompanied the
Nicollet expedition of 1839 and already was acquainted with JCF; but his
name does not appear in the vouchers for that expedition. A voyageur named
Maxime Maxwell was present on the 1838 expedition, which may be the
source of some confusion.
Voucher No. 37, Kansas Ford, Mo. Terr., 15 June 1842
U.S. to Louis Pepin
20 lbs. coffee 5.00
a quantity of pumpkins and beans 3.00
8!00
Signed with Pepin's mark and witnessed by C. Lambert. Pepin not further
identified. The name may be "Papin," and possibly he is the brother of
Joseph Papin, who operated a ferry at the site of Topeka from 1840.
Subvoucher, New Yor\, 6 May 1842
U.S. to James R. Chilton
1 set of Daguerreotype apparatus 40.00
25 polished Daguerreotype plates 37.50
1 pocket microscope .75
7825
This document is handled as a subvoucher because it is not carried in the
regular abstract of vouchers for the quarter. Dr. James R. Chilton, a physician
and chemist at 263 Broadway, New York, supplied daguerreotype apparatus
to JCF for the expeditions of 1842 and 1843-44. The device was still very
new, and there is little doubt that JCF was among the first to attempt to
photograph the West with such equipment. Some of the lithographs appearing
145
in the Reports and Memoirs are undoubtedly based upon daguerreotypes or
on negatives copied by Mathew Brady and others. Apparently no originals
have survived.
Charles Preuss, in a belittling mood as always, had no patience when JCF
tinkered with the gadget. "Yesterday afternoon and this morning Fremont
set up his daguerreotype to photograph the rocks; he spoiled five plates that
way. Not a thing was to be seen on them. That's the way it often is with
these Americans. They know everything, can do everything, and when they
are put to a test, they fail miserably" (2 Aug. 1842, preuss, 32). When JCF
tried again on 5 Aug., Preuss wrote, "Today he said the air up here is too
thin; that is the reason his daguerreotype was a failure. Old boy, you don't
understand the thing, that is it" (preuss, 35).
Third and Fourth Quarters, 1842
Voucher No. 1, Fort John, Platte River, 17 July 1842
U.S. to Registe Larente
For services as voyageur 48 days @ 1.00 per diem, 27 May to
13 July 1842 48.00
Signed with Larente's mark and witnessed by C. Lambert. Larente ap-
parently was the only employee who chose to leave the expedition when JCF
outlined the dangers which lay ahead (see p. 226).
Voucher No. 2, Fort Bissonette, Laramie For1{, 1 Sept. 1842
U.S. to Sibille, Adams & Co.
20 July
1 tomahawk 1.00
3 Aug.
A. Lucier and his mule 8 days (^ 2.00 16.00
Joseph Bissonnette for guide and interpreter, 8 days @ 13.00
per diem 104.00
1 horse paid to an Indian 36.00
1 Sept.
12 cups coffee 18.00, 6 cups sugar 9.00 27.00
254.00
Less 1 cow and calf 50.00
204.00
Jean Sibille and David Adams had been licensed to trade with the Indians
in the vicinity of Laramie as early as 1841, and by Jan. 1842 had started a post
they called Fort Adams, apparently upstream from Fort John. They then
purchased a new establishment of Lancaster P. Lupton's, called Fort Platte.
146
Thereafter, one hears no more of Fort Adams, and the new owners had
finished construction of Fort Platte by Oct. 1842. A fragmentary diary kept
by Adams records finding the fort "oil finished and oil the boys well on 27
October." He also refers to another partner in the firm, John Richard; to "mr.
besonat [ Bissonette]"; and "mr. shatraw [Chartrain]," a clerk.
Dale L. Morgan, who has supplied the above information from the Adams
Papers, MoSHi, also reports that A. Lucier had been an employee of the
Sibille & Adams firm. Joseph Bissonette (1818-94), born in St. Louis, had
come to the Platte region at the age of eighteen and married into the Sioux
tribe. He worked variously as a company trader and free trader, and as an
interpreter for Indian agents. He is said to have worked as late as 1875 in
persuading Sioux chiefs Red Cloud and Spotted Tail to relinquish the Black
Hills in Dakota Territory (j. d. mc dermott [2]).
Voucher No. 3, Bellevue, Mo. Terr., 4 Oct. 1842
U.S. to P. A. Sarpy
An almost illegible voucher for goods received between 26 Sept. and 3
Oct. 1842, including food, the use of four horses and men for four days, etc.
The largest item is for a mackinaw boat, $166.00. Total charges, $348.28. In
explaining the cost of such items, JCF wrote: "In that country we often found
a difficulty in getting anything to eat, & were obligfd to take what we could
get at any cost." Peter A. Sarpy (1805-65), brother of John B. Sarpy and a
skillful barterer with the Indians, was in charge of the post at Bellevue, just
north of the junction of the Platte and Missouri rivers. For a biography, see
WICKMAN.
Voucher No. 4, St. Louts, 17 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Clement Lambert
For the following articles furnished to Lt. Fremont's party
of 25 men on their voyage down the Missouri River, from
Bellevue to St. Louis:
apples 1.25, 3 tin cups 25^, 1 lantern 1.00, coffee mill 1.25 3.75
eggs and milk 1.25, chickens 1.37^, pork 1.00 3.62^
beef 2.00, 2 forks 25^, butter 500, milk 250 3.00
turnips 37^0, coffee 2.00, sugar 1.00, apples 1.00 4.37^
bread 1.75, milk 500, eggs 750, coffee 750 3.75
chickens 1.25, honey 250, milk 37-^ 1.87^
poultry 2.00, butter 750, eggs 62^0, honey 750 4.25
milk 500, whiskey 1.37^, bacon 3.00 4.87^
sugar 1.25, bread 1.00, whiskey 500 2.75
chickens, eggs, milk, potatoes, cabbage 1.75
onions 500, whiskey 1.00, candles 750, poultry 2.00 4.25
147
eggs 750, butter 1.25, milk 50^, bread 1.00 3.25
whiskey 2.00, bread 1%, coffee 1.25, milk 750 4.75
eggs 1.00, whiskey 1.00 2.00
48.25
Voucher No. 5, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Benjamin Clapp
1 barometer 35.00
Voucher No. 6, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Lucien Maxwell
For services as hunter @ 1.66^ per diem for 152 days, from 1
July to 31 Oct. 1842 234.75
1 horse 70.00
2 mules 90.00
414.75
Voucher No. 7, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to /. B. L'Esperance
For 12 days' time and expenses going to Lexington, Mo., to
collect a draft for $3,000 drawn by the U.S. on the Receiver
of Public Moneys at Lexington in favor of Lt. Fremont 66.25
Endorsed by JCF: "I was not able to cash the above draft in St. Louis, & was
obliged to hire a trustworthy person to proceed to Lexington as it was neces-
sary to pay off my men as soon as possible." J. B. L'Esperance not further
identified.
Voucher No. 8, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Jean B. Lefevre
For service as voyageur @ 81|0 per diem, 153 days from
26 May to 26 Oct. 1842. 125.07
Signed with Lefevre's mark and witnessed by F. V. Pfister. Pfister was a
clerk on Laurel Street in St. Louis, probably working for P. Chouteau, Jr., and
Company.
148
(
Voucher No. 9, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to ]ean B. Lefevre
Transportation of 19 horses and a party of men from St.
Louis to Chouteau's Landing, 300 mi. 38.00
Signed with Lefevre's mark and witnessed by B. Clapp.
Voucher No. 10, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Benjamin Potra
For services as voyageur @ 66^ per diem for 153 days, 26
May to 26 Oct. 1842 100.98
Signed with Potra's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. Sarpy (1798-
1857) was one of the most active and influential citizens of St. Louis, a partner
of Pierre Chouteau, Jr., and an original projector of the Missouri Pacific
Railroad (scharf, 1:580-83).
Voucher No. 11, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Louis Guion
For services as voyageur @ 87^^ per diem for 102 days,
20 July to 31 Oct. 1842 89.25
2 horses @ 70.00 each 140.00
229.25
Signed with Guion's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy.
Voucher No. 12, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to ]ean Baptiste Dumes
For services as cook @ 75^ per diem for 153 days, 26 May
to 26 Oct. 1842 114.75
No further information on Dumes; voucher not signed or witnessed.
Voucher No. 13, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Basil Lajeunesse
For services as voyageur @ 75jz! per diem for 153 days, from
26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 114.75
1 overcoat lost in the Platte River, in the service of the U.S. 5.00
119.75
Signed with Basil Lajeunesse's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. La-
jeunesse also accompanied JCF on his second expedition as far as Fort Hall,
149
and on the 1845 expedition. He was killed by the Modocs at Klamath Lake
in 1846. A brother, Francois, who had been one of Sir William Drummond
Stewart's employees on his journey of 1837, was with JCF in 1843-44.
Voucher No. 14, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Franfois Tessier
For services as voyageur @ 62^0 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 95.621
Signed with Tessier's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. No further
information on Tessier.
Voucher No. 15, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Benjamin Cadot
For services as voyageur @ 62^0 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 95.62^
Signed with Cadot's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. A man named
Benjamin Cadot, thirty-seven years of age and of Canadian birth, was listed
in the census of 1860 at the Yankton agency (see South Dakota Historical
Collections, 10:436).
Voucher No. 16, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Joseph Clement
For services as voyageur @ 66\(^ per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 101.75
Signed with Clement's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. Clement not
further identified.
Voucher No. 17, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Daniel Simonds
For services as voyageur @ 62^0 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 95.62^
Signed with Simonds' mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. The David
Adams Papers, MoSHi, contain a contract between Sibille & Adams and
"Daniel Simons," in which Simons signs on as a "common hand" for a Rocky
Mountain expedition. He signed by mark in Aug. 1841, came down from the
mountains with Adams in the spring of 1842, and evidently signed on with
JCF shortly thereafter.
150
Voucher No. 18, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Leonard Benoist
For services as voyageur @ 750 per diem for 153 days, 26
May to 26 Oct. 1842 114.75
Benoist not further identified.
Voucher No. 19, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Christopher Carson
For services as guide and hunter @ 100.00 per month for
3 months, from 1 June to 1 Sept. 1842 300.00
1 mule 40.00
340.00
Signed with Carson's mark and witnessed by F. V. Pfister. The acquisition
of Christopher Carson (1809-68) as a guide was a stroke of luck for JCF and
the beginning of a long friendship between the young explorer and the ex-
perienced Scotch-Irish trapper and Indian fighter. Although at this time he
was unable to write his name, he could converse in French, Spanish, and sev-
eral Indian languages. Later he would share honors as a guide with his
former fellow trapper, Thomas "Broken Hand" Fitzpatrick, on JCF's sec-
ond expedition, and as a member of the third venture he would participate
in the conquest of California. After the Mexican War and the refusal of the
Senate to confirm his commission in the regular Army, Carson settled in
Taos, New Mexico Territory, served as Indian agent for the Utes, and dictated
the story of his life to John Mostin, probably at the persuasion of Jesse B.
Turley. For biographical background, see sabin and carson.
Voucher No. 20, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Michel Marly
For services as voyageur @ 62^0 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 95.62^
Michel Marly, born in St. Louis in 1820; no further information.
Voucher No. 21, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Baptiste Bernier
For services as voyageur @ 1.00 per diem for 153 days, from
26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 153.00
Signed with Bernier's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. It is probably
to Baptiste Bernier that Lucien Fontenelle referred when he wrote Andrew
Drips from Fort William, 1 Aug. 1835: "young Provost, Bernier, Bellaire and
others are hired as trappers" (MoSHi — Drips Papers).
Voucher No. 22, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Honore Ayot
For services as voyageur @ 830 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 126.99
Signed with Ayot's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. For Ayot's con-
tract with JCF, see Doc. No. 42.
Voucher No. 23, Fort John, Platte River, 2 Sept. 1842
U.S. to Franfois Latulipe
For services as voyageur @ 1.00 per diem for 63 days, from
29 June to 1 Sept. 1842 63.00
For one horse 30.00
12 buffalo robes for pack horses 25.00
118.00
Signed with Latulippe's mark and witnessed by C. Lambert.
Voucher No. 24, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Franfois Badeau
For services as voyageur @ 1.00 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 153.00
Signed with Badeau's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. Badeau, who
also went on the second expedition and was described by JCF as being one
of his "most faithful and efficient men," was accidentally killed by his own
gun, 23 May 1844, as the expedition was returning home and was buried on
the banks of the Sevier River. See p. 697.
Voucher No. 25, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Louis Menard
For services as voyageur @ 81|0 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 125.07|
The name Louis Menard is so common that it is difficult to identify this
man, but he is probably the same Louis L. Menard who contracted his
services as a boatman on the upper Missouri in May 1852 (MoSHi — P. Chou-
teau Maffitt Collection). Louis Menard was also on Fremont's second expedi-
tion.
152
Voucher No. 26, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to C. Lambert
For services as camp conductor @ 1.85|^ per diem for
153 days, 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 278.07
Voucher No. 27, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Joseph Ruelle
For services as voyageur @ 66^0 per diem for 153 days,
26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 101.75
Signed with Ruelle's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. The name
appears often in the records of Chouteau's American Fur Company (vols. X
and GG) from 1835 to 1845, in the upper Missouri area. According to g. r.
BROOKS he had been with Robert Campbell in 1833 and may also be the Joseph
Ruel who married Jeanne Pichereau on 3 July 1838 in St. Louis. Ruelle ob-
tained a judgment in St. Louis, 21 Nov. 1844, of $40.75 against Fremont for
a gun lost on the expedition (DNA-217, T-135, Statement of Differences on
Settlement of Fremont's Accounts, 6 June 1849, No. 7624, p. 6).
Voucher No. 28, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Auguste Janisse
For services as voyageur @ 87^0 per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 133.87^
Signed with Janisse's mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. The name ap-
pears as Auguste Janis in the CjG ledger of P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company.
PREUss and his editors call him Johnny Auguste Janisse, and the editors say
he was the only Negro or mulatto among JCF's men on this expedition. He
was also with Stansbury in 1849.
Voucher No. 29, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Moise Chardonnais
For services as voyageur @ 75^ per diem for 153 days,
from 26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 144.75
Signed with Chardonnais' mark and witnessed by John B. Sarpy. No fur-
ther identification of Chardonnais.
Voucher No. 30, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Raphael Proue
For services as voyageur @ 75)^ per diem for 153 days, from
26 May to 26 Oct. 1842 114.75
The faithful Raphael Proue | Proulx, Proux] would continue with JCF on
153
his second and third ventures as well as the disastrous fourth expedition of
1848 and would freeze to death 9 Jan. 1849 in the San Juan Mountains of
southwest Colorado.
Voucher No. 31, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
8 French carts 280.00
10 Spanish saddles 60.00
10 bridles 7.50
30 halters 37.50
30 white oak stakes 30.00
11 saddle blankets 8.25
8 sets harness for shaft 100.00
8 sets harness for French carts 68.00
4 Spanish saddles 28.00
3 bridles and martingales 9.75
1 3-pt. blue blanket 10.00
1 piece Russia sheeting 13.00
1 lb. patent thread, 1.00, 1 bundle cord, 75^ 1.75
1 blank memorandum book .50
1 box tobacco, 148 lbs. 14.80
10 lbs. Vermillion 30.00
4 doz. fire steels, 7.00, 1 gross Indians awls 2.20 9.20
6 scalping knives 18.00, 500 gun flints 2.50 20.50
2 buffalo tongues, 12.00, 6 hams, 100 lbs., 6.25 18.25
310 lbs. common bacon 12.40
2 barrels pork 15.00, 2 barrels flour 10.00 25.00
4 barrels pilot bread 16.00, 1 barrel butter crackers 5.00 21.00
50 lbs. coffee 7.75
6 lbs. tea 6.00
100 lbs. sugar and keg 7.75
23 lbs. rice and keg 1.69
3 loaves white sugar, 11^ lbs. @ 20^ 2.30
1 keg 50 proof port wine, 4 gals. 11.50
1 keg brandy, 4 gallons 11.50
10 lbs. common soap 1.00
2 lbs. castile soap .75
100 lbs. bar lead 5.00, 50 lbs. gunpowder 15.00 20.00
1 bag shot 1.75, 1 ball twine 250, 2 doz. tent pins 750 2.75
154
11 yds. Russia sheeting 4.37
spades 2.50, 1 coffee mill 1.50 4.00
J doz. mustard 3.00, 11 lbs. sperm candles 5,50 8.50
6 lbs. assorted nails 600, 1 keg tar 1.00 1.60
1 can 100 proof spirits of wine, 4 gals. 4.13
J doz. matches .25
3 reams wrapping paper 7.50
1 file 250, 1 pair nippers 1.00, 2 doz. spoons 750 2.00
1 piece canvas for cart covers, 33| yds. 5.03
1 box macaroni 5.38
4 lead lines 2.50
3 bands for bacon 1 .87
3 sheet iron kettles 6.60
2 tin kettles 1.50
2 tin pans 1.00, 1 doz. tin plates 1.50 2.50
1 doz. cups 630, 1 coffee boiler and 1 lantern 1.00 1.63
6 knives and forks 1.25, 1 lb. pepper 160, 2 augers 880 2.29
1 drawing knife 750, 1 hand saw 1.25 2.00
1 hatchet 1.50, 3 Collins axes, 3.75 5.25
3 balls twine 750, 1 teakettle 1.00, 1 ball lampwick 250 2.00
1 bag salt 400, 1 pineapple cheese 1.25 ' 1.65
1 oven and lid 1.25
1 frying pan .75
paid for making tent 15.00
5 lbs. saleratus 1.00
1 can linseed oil, 2 gals. 4.00
10 lbs. Spanish brown paint 1.00, 1 brush 1.12 2.12
1 rifle given to Preuss 20.00
2 mosquito bars 8.00
1 powder horn 1.25
drayages 1.50
1005.85
Commission 48.83
1054.68
Endorsed by JCF: "At the time when this expenditure was incurred I had
not yet received sufficient funds & as the advanced season of the year did
not permit me [to] delay the setting out of the expedition, I had recourse to
the house of Chouteau & Co. who advanced me money, transacted, my busi-
ness & charged a commission."
155
Voucher No. 32, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
\7 horses and 2 mules 970.62
13 mules 520.00
transportation of the above 103.75
1591.37
Voucher No. 33, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Bent, St. Vrain & Co.
3 mules 135.00
2 horses 50.00
bunting for flag 25.00
5 lb. coffee 10.00
1 comb -50
1 piece rope 1-QQ
221.50
Bent, St. Vrain & Co., with a branch post (Fort St. Vrain) on the South
Platte and Bent's Fort on the Arkansas, ranked next to P. Chouteau, Jr., and
Company in the amount of business transacted during this period. The busi-
ness included trading with the Indians and raising horses and mules.
Voucher No. 34, St. Louis, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to J. & S. Hawken
For splicing gun stock 1-50
fly on lock -50
cleaning double-barreled gun -75
hind sight on rifle -50
3.25
Voucher No. 35, Washington, 1 Nov. 1842
U.S. to Charles Preuss
For transportation of 13 boxes containing instruments for
surveys from Washington to New^ York 2.37^
from New York to Buffalo 6.2 ^
from Buffalo to Chicago 3.27^
from Chicago to St. Louis 3.37^
15.231
156
Voucher No. 36, Washitigton, 31 Oct. 1842
U.S. to Charles Preuss
For services rendered to the U.S. as assistant to Lt. J. C.
Fremont in the survey of the Platte and Kansas rivers for
184 days, from 1 May to 1 Nov. 1842, @ 3.00 per diem 552.00
Voucher No. 37, Washington, 24 Nop. 1842
U.S. to Thomas W. Burch
for making 1 drawing table and shelves 7.00
Thomas W. Burch not further identified.
Voucher No. 38, Washington, 1 Dec. 1842
U.S. to Charles Preuss
For services rendered to the U.S. as assistant to Lt. J. C. Fre-
mont in constructing maps of surveys west of the Missis-
sippi for 30 days, from 1 to 30 Nov. 1842 90.00
Voucher No. 39, Baltimore, 5 Dec. 1842
U.S. to J. N. Nicollet
For services rendered to the U.S. as superintendent of Sur-
veys West of the Mississippi for 92 days, from 1 Aug. to
31 Oct. 1842, @ 8.00 per diem 736.00
Voucher No. 40, St. Louis, 28 Dec. 1842
U.S. to Osea Harmiyo
For services as voyageur @ 50<z' per diem for 113 days, from 9
July to 31 Oct. 1842 36.50
Signed with Harmiyo's mark and witnessed by Hfenry] R. Brant. The
spelling is phonetic for Jose Armijo, a young Spaniard hired at Fort St. Vrain.
See below, pp. 204-5. Henry B. Brant, the nineteen-year-old son of Lieut.
Col. Joshua B. and Sarah Benton Brant, of St. Louis, accompanied the expedi-
tion as far as Fort Laramie — together with John Randolph Benton, the twelve-
year-old brother of Jessie. Here the two young men were left because of
possible encounters with hostile Indians. In the fall, when the expedition
returned to the settlements, JCF sold at public auction in Bellevue much of
the equipment that was still intact — such as carts, harnesses, horses, mules,
rifles, and saddles — and it was Henry B. Brant who later swore to the correct-
ness of the $910 bill of sale (see Bill of Sale, DNA-217, T-135, 9 Feb. 1843).
157
Voucher No. 2, St. Louis, 16 Jan. 1843
U.S. to Joseph Bougar
For services as voyageur @ $1.00 per diem, for 144 days,
from 9 June to 31 October 1842 144.00
Signed with Joseph Bougar's mark and witnessed by H. B. Brant. Bougar
is not listed in JCF's reports or the Memoirs as being a part of the expedi-
tion; yet he must have joined just as the party was ready to leave Cyprian
Chouteau's trading house on the Kansas River. An order of William Kenceleur
to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company, to pay Bougar |82.00 indicates that he was
at the Vermillion Post [Kansas] on 11 May 1842 (MoSHi — P. Chouteau
Maffitt Collection).
All the above documents are in DNA-217, Third Auditor's Reports and Ac-
counts, Acct. No. 16962, except voucher nos. 35 and 36 in the first and second
quarters, no. 31 and no. 40 in third and fourth quarters, and the subvoucher
to Chilton, all of which are on roll No. 1 of DNA microfilm T-135 — a
special consolidated file of JCF accounts.
54. Asa Gray to John Torrey
Monday Morning [Feb. 1843], Cambridge
My Dear Friend
I conclude to send you a small parcel instead of a letter. Enclosed
is a hasty determination of the Fremont plants now in my hands. I
found ripe seeds of the first two of the list, which I hope to grow.
Both are worthy of being figured, although the first only is showy.
I found Hooker's^ letter [not found] dated so far back as Nov. 10,
and send it for your perusal, I think some arrangement such as he
desires may be made respecting the Antarctic collections. The Ore-
gon and Califn. I hope will somehow tumble into our hands. Please
send back his letter (by mail if you are not sending a parcel) early
next week, as I must answer it on the 1st prox. . . .
Engelmann writes about his friend Dr. Lindheimer, who wants to
collect in Texas &c. — and offer plants for sale, at $8-10 per hundred.
he Sm I to vouch for generic names. — advertise in Silliman. — I shall
write to him on the subject, securing that all shall pass thro' our
hands. I think I will advise him to send him to Rky. Mts. with some
of the parties that will be sure to be going if the Oregon bill
passes. As he is a Doctor — a pretty good botanist, I guess, and makes
158
very good specimens of the right kind — flowers — fruit &c. — why not
recommend him to Fremont & Col. Abert, and get him a place? I
think we cannot do better. If you think so please act upon the sug-
gestion without delay. The more collectors we can get into the field
the better, Buckley" & all.
• • • •
Your affectionate,
A. Gray
ALS, RC (NNNBG).
1. Sir William Jackson Hooker (1785-1865), director of Kew Gardens in
London and a highly respected English botanist. He had published a well
known work on North American botany, Flora Boreali- Americana (London,
1829-40).
2. Persons mentioned in this paragraph include Dr. Ferdinand Jakob Lind-
heimer (1801-79), a German botanist who was visiting in St. Louis. He had
fought in the war for Texan independence and, encouraged by Engelmann,
was about to return to Texas on a collecting expedition (geiser). Benjamin
Silliman (1779-1864) was publisher of the ArHerican Journal of Science and
Arts, a pioneer work of its kind in the United States. Samuel Botsford Buck-
ley (1809-83), botanist and field naturalist, later became state geologist of
Texas. Gray held Buckley in low esteem (particularly for daring to publish
new species, some considered valid today, on his own!) and his remark
twitches with feeling.
Asa Gray had proposed that Lindheimer be sent to the Rockies and Oregon
for further collecting, possibly with JCF. "Fremont will not take Geyer; but I
believe he wants some one. The interesting region (the most so in the world)
is the high Rocky Mountains about the sources of the Platte & thence South!!"
(Gray to Engelmann, 13 Feb. 1843, MoSB). Gray's enthusiasm for western
flora contributed much to botanical knowledge of the region, but it was not
until 1872 that he was able to go to the Rockies himself and see the vegetation
that he had studied for a lifetime.
55. J. J. Abcrt to Thomas H. Benton
Bureau of Topographical Engr.
Washington March 10th 1843
Sir
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the
7th inst. and to thank you for your suggestions in reference to the
Survey now required in the vicinity of the Rocky Mountains. Be as-
sured that they will receive the greatest attention. A sketch embrac-
159
ing your views has been enclosed to Mr. Fremont in order to obtain
from him the customary estimate. Very Respectfully Your Obt.
Servt.
J. J. Abert
CI. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 6:152). Benton's letter is not found, but the "sketch" is
an enclosure with Doc. No. 56.
56. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topographical Engs.
Washington March 10th 1843
Sir
You will please to give immediate attention to your accounts, as it
is necessary, both by the laws & regulations that these should be ad-
justed. Before the Bureau can decide upon any orders for your duties
during the ensuing season, it is necessary that you should submit an
estimate in detail of the probable expence, embracing the whole or a
part of the sketch of duties a copy of which is enclosed. Very Re-
spectfully Your Obt. Servt.
J. J. Abert
C. C. T. E.
[Enclosure]
To proceed to the main forks of the Kansas river, determine their
position and thence survey the main stream to its head. From the
head of the Kansas to fall directly on to the Arkansas and survey it
to its head, crossing the mountains by that prong which forms the
boundary between the United States and Mexico. Continuing along
the western base of the mountains and crossing the heads of all the
streams which take their rise in that portion of the mountains, join
on to your positions of 1842 on the Colorado of the Gulf of Cali-
fornia. Thence continuing north-westwardly across the waters of the
Columbia, turn westwardly into the Flat-head Country, and join on
to Lieut. Wilkes' Survey. From that point to return by the Oregon
road, and on again reaching the mountains, diverge a litde and make
a circuit of the Wind river chain, which is about eighty miles long.
i6o
This circuit would embrace within its Umits the heads of the Colo-
rado, the Columbia, some of the heads of the Missouri proper, the
Yellowstone and the Platte.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 6:151). Senator Benton's influence upon Colonel Abert,
and his role as the man behind the scenes in the rise of JCF's career, is evi-
dent here. Benton writes JCF's orders, obviously after consultation with the
young lieutenant, and Abert — in a sense — merely ratifies them. But Abert is
not a cipher, as Benton and the Fremonts later portrayed him; his views
happened to correspond to Benton's in the matter of western expansion.
"Abert could not, as did Senator Benton, intrigue on behalf of a special policy
of imperial aggrandizement, nor could he initiate a legislative policy for the
West" (goetzmann, 66).
These are the orders for JCF's expedition of 1843-44 which will take him
into California. Yet nothing in the orders indicates that he has this discretion;
he is, in fact, to return down the eastern side of the Wind River Mountains
in Wyoming — having explored the western slopes in 1842,
Charles Wilkes (1798-1877), naval officer and explorer, had just completed
a long voyage which had begun in Aug. 1838 and had taken him to the
Antarctic, certain islands of the Pacific, and the northwest coast of North
America. Benton's interest in Oregon makes him eager to extend Wilkes'
coastal observations into the interior.
57. Fremont to John Torrey
Washington City March 11th 1843
My dear Sir,
Your favor of the 27th with the enclosure came safely to hand. I
think that it would be unjust to you were I to write a preface to the
catalogue of plants and would be assuming for myself a knowledge
that I do not possess. I claim no other credit than what may be due
to having collected them under circumstances of considerable hard-
ship and privation. From the mouth of the Kansas river to the Red
buttes, I had with me a number of carts which afforded means to
transport the plants conveniently, but from that place our examina-
tion of the country was made on horseback. To accomplish the ex-
ploration on which I had been sent required very rapid movements
and it was impossible for me to give to the plants the time necessary to
arrange them properly. We were in a savage and inhospitable coun-
try, sometimes annoyed by the Indians and frequently in great dis-
tress from want of provisions, and when you join to these things the
i6i
various duties which were constantly claiming my attention, you
will readily make an allowance for the bad condition of the collec-
tion I sent you. It was made under very unfavorable circumstances,
and in the intervals of very pressing duties.
Casting your eye on the small sketch I sent you, you will see that
our line of road is generally along the bottoms of the Kansas tribu-
taries and sometimes over the upper prairies. The soil of the river
bottoms is always rich, and generally well timbered, though the
whole region is what is called a prairie country. The upper prairies
are an immense deposit of sand and gravel, covered with a good and
very generally a rich soil. Along the road on reaching the little
stream called Sandy creek, the soil became more sandy. The geologi-
cal formation of this position is lime — and sand-stone. The Amorpha
was the characteristic plant, in many places being as abundant as the
grass. From its mouth to the junction of its main forks the valley of
the Platte generally about four miles broad is rich and well timbered,
covered with luxuriant grasses. The large purple Aster ? was here the
characteristic, flourishing in great magnificence. From the junction
to Laramie's fork the country may be called a sandy one; the valley
of the stream is without timber, but still the grasses are fine and
plants abundant. On our return in September the whole valley
looked like a garden. It was yellow with fields of sunflower which
was the characteristic.
Between these two main forks of the Platte, and from the junction
to Laramie's fork the formation consists of a calcareous marl, a soft
earthy limestone, and a granitic sandstone. In the region traversed
from Laramie's fork to the mouth of the Sweet water river the soil
is generally sandy, the formation consisting of a variety of sandstones
— yellow and gray sandstones a red argillaceous sandstone with com-
pact gypsum or alabaster and fine conglomerates. The Sweet Water
valley is a sandy plain about 120 miles long, and generally about 5
miles broad, bounded by ranges of granitic mountains between
which the valley formation consists near the Devil's gate of a grayish
micaceous sandstone and fine grained conglomerate with a fine
grained white sandstone. Proceeding twenty or thirty miles up the
valley we find a white sandstone alternating with white clay and
white clayey sandstone. At our encampment of August 5th-6th we
found a fine white clayey sandstone — a coarse sandstone or pud-
dingstone and white calcareous sandstone. A few miles to the west
162
of that position we reached a point where the sandstone reposed im-
mediately upon the granite, which thenceforward along our line of
route alternated with a compact clay slate.
We crossed the dividing ridge on the 8th of August & found the
soil of the plains at the foot of the mountains on the western side to
be sandy, being the decomposition of the neighbouring granite
mountains. From Laramie's fork to this point Artemesia was the
characteristic plant, occupying the place of the grasses, and filling
the air with its odour of camphor and spirits of turpentine. On the
morning of the 10th we entered the defile of the Wind river moun-
tains.
I hope that what I have hastily said above will enable you to write
a short preface to the catalogue and I would be exceedingly indebted
to you if you could send it with the 2d part of the catalogue in order
that I may introduce it into the report. The work is now in the
hands of the printer but I will delay its publication some days until
I hear from you. Should you find it proper to refer in your preface
to heights above the sea I will fill up any blanks you may leave. In
a few days I will reply to some other points in your letter and in the
mean time beg you to let me hear from you as soon as will suit your
convenience, as I am exceedingly pressed & should be very sorry to
publish the catalogue incomplete. Very truly yours,
J. C. Fremont,
I had just written the above when I received your note with the
2d part of the catalogue. I am sure I need not tell you how much
gratified I am that it has arrived in time for publication. I will put it
to-day in the hands of the printer and the proofs shall be forwarded
to you at Princeton as soon as they are struck. This letter is already
very long & I will not add to it by expressing my thanks of which
you are I know assured. Believe me yours truly,
J. C. Fremont.
ALS-JBF, RC (NNNBG). While many letters from JCF to Torrey have
survived, we have only a printed excerpt of a letter from Torrey to JCF
(July 1848). Torrey 's 27 Feb. suggestion that Fremont write the preface to the
catalogue of plants was a courteous one, but as the document indicates, JCF
refused. Torrey did write the preface, presented with his catalogue as an
addendum to the report of the expedition (our Doc. No. 61).
I
163
58. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topographical Engineers
Washington March 14th 1843
Sir
I have to inform you that a requisition has been this day made in
your favor for twelve hundred Dollars.
You will please pay Mr. Nicollet the amount that may be due him
for services to the 10th inst. inclusive, on which day his employment
terminated.
You will repair to Baltimore in order to adjust Mr. Nicollet's ac-
count and to receive from him the public instruments which he has
to return for which you will please to give the customary receipts,
after which you will return to this place and report. Very Respect-
fully Your Obt. Servt.
J. J. Abert
Col. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77,LS, 6:161).
59. Thomas H. Benton to Fremont
Washington City, March 20. 1843.
Dear Sir,
In the very important expedition which you are fitting out to the
region beyond the Rocky Mountains, and to complete the gap in
the Surveys between the South Pass and the head of tidewater in the
Columbia, the officer in command has to appear to the Indians as
the representative of the government, and not as the officer of a bu-
reau. To them he represents the government, and as such he must
make presents, or bring both himself and his government into con-
tempt. This is an expense which belongs to the Indian department
more than to the Topographical bureau, and I repeat to you, as my
opinion, that you should apply to the Secretary at War for a part of
the contingencies, or a part of the appropriations for Indian presents,
for this object. There is no danger of getting too much, and one or
164
two thousand dollars would be quite small for the number of In-
dians who will be encountered. On any account, both as it concerns
the success of the expedition, the respectability of the government,
and the future friendship of the Indians, it is indispensable that the
officer who carries the flag of the U. States into these remote regions,
should carry presents. All savages expect them: they even demand
them; and they feel contempt & resentment if disappointed. Respect-
fully, Sir Yr. Obt. Servant,
Thomas H. Benton
ALS, RC (CSmH).
60. Fremont to John Torrey
Washington City March 21st 1843
My dear Sir,
Yours of the 14th with the enclosure came safely to hand yester-
day— I beg you to accept my thanks for the preface to your Cata-
logue, which I find exceedingly interesting, & am happy to say is in
time for the printer. Herewith I send you a corrected sheet, which
has still some errors, but I think you will find it more free from
them, than proof sheets generally are. The printer desires me to say,
that having no Greek characters, he has supplied their place for the
moment with the usual letters, but has sent to Baltimore for them,
and you will find them inserted in the final sheets, together with
some other omissions. It will give me pleasure to furnish you with
the number of Catalogues you mention.
There was an error in my letter, relative to the fact of the clay
slate alternating with granite; it should have been mica slate, which
is one of the predominant rocks in that quarter. In Equisetum ar-
vense of the Catalogue, is "arvense" right? Among the plants col-
lected on the Sandy river, (branch of the Colorado) on our return,
was a portion of an artemisia (?) can you tell me if this is an arte-
misia, & if so, what one? I am anxious to know, as this is the plant
with the odour of camphor & spirits of turpentine, which I men-
tioned in my letter as being highly characteristic. There is one plant
among the collection of which I am very desirous to know the
165
name; I met with in fields in full bloom filling the air with fra-
grance, & almost entirely covering the bottom land of the South
Fork of the Platte, within some twenty miles of the Rocky Mts. & at
an elevation of between 5, and 6000 feet. I did not see it again until I
reached the valley of the Sweetwater near the Devils Gate, which is
at about the same elevation. I cannot describe it to you from mem-
ory, although I should recognize it immediately. It is about the size
of the amorpha & the predominant colour of the flowers, is the pur-
ple hue of the amorpha. One perfectly white, which is however seen
but rarely, amid the fields of purple flowers, and one of a light blue,
almost as frequent as the purple colour. Is it "Lupinus leucophyllus"
or is it perhaps an amorpha ?
I have purposely delayed replying to an occasional enquiry in
some of your letters as to whether or not I should be able to take
with me a botanist, in order that I might be in possession of infor-
mation, which would enable me to give you a definite answer. I find
for various strong reasons, that I shall not be able to do so, but still I
contemplate doing something for your favourite science. Can we not
do something together ? Is it not customary sometimes for collectors,
unskilled as myself to publish their plants in partnership with, & un-
der the shadow of, the standard names in the science. I do not know
if I am asking too much, but if I am not, I should be glad if you
would write to me on the subject, and I think something good
may be done.^ The following is a brief outline of my expedition for
the present year. I shall leave this city about the 5th of April & be-
fore the 1st of May shall be beyond the western frontier of Missouri.
I propose crossing the mountains to the South of the Great Pass, —
range along their western bases, — visit the mountainous region of
the Flathead country, probably go as far down as Fort Vancouver,
and return by the heads of the Missouri. This you will see, aflfords a
fine range for botanical researches, and should my veiws meet your
approbation, a few words of instruction from you would be very
beneficial to me. By the time you return the proof sheets of the
Catalogue the whole report will be ready for the Binder.
I should be glad to hear from you on the subject of this letter, & in
the meanwhile I am Very truly yours,
J. Charles Fremont
ALS-JBF,RC(NHi).
1. JCF's reluctance to take professional scientists on his expeditions, and
i66
his desire to collaborate with men such as Torrey in describing and naming
his collections, eventually became a topic of comment. Asa Gray wrote to
Torrey on 8 March 1845 that he believed JCF wanted all the scientific glory.
"He ought to be above it, and to aim higher; but indeed, it is hardly to be
expected" (NNNBG).
167
61. Report of the First Expedition, 1843
Editorial note: This account was first published in 1843 as Senate
Doc. 243, 27th Cong., 3rd sess., under the title: A Report of an Ex-
ploration of the Country Lying between the Missouri River and the
Roc\y Mountains on the Line of the Kansas and Great Platte Rivers.
It was speedily sent to the Senate after JCF had completed the man-
uscript, for it had been long delayed. JCF presented it to Colonel
Abert on 1 March 1843, and on the following day it went directly
to Secretary of War John Canfield Spencer. In a covering letter,
Abert explained that the delay "was not owing to any want of in-
dustry on the part of Lieut. Fremont, but to the great amount of
matter which had to be introduced in the report and the many cal-
culations which had to be made, of the astronomical & barometrical
observations, the necessary labor on these accounts has delayed the
completion of the report until today" (DNA-77, LS, 6:141).
On 2 March the Senate ordered the report to be printed, and the
next day a resolution provided that "nine hundred additional copies
be furnished for the use of the Senate, and one hundred copies for
the use of the Topographical Bureau." It was later to be combined
with the report of the 1843-44 expedition and widely distributed by
trade publishers.
"I write more easily by dictation," JCF said many years later, and
". . . therefore the labor of amanuensis, commencing at this early
time, has remained with Mrs. Fremont" (memoirs, 163). We have
already noted that Jessie did indeed produce a great number of the
documents attributed to her husband. There is, however, a surviving
manuscript draft of this report in the National Archives (DNA-77)
which is much less a joint effort than JCF's comment would indi-
cate. The first nineteen sheets are in Jessie's hand, and the remainder
in JCF's with some corrections and refinements in Jessie's. Where
i68
the manuscript draft differs materially from the printed version, we
indicate the difference in a note.
In a brief explanation to the reader at the beginning of the report,
JCF explains: "For the Mineralogical Character of the Rocks men-
tioned in the course of the following report, I am indebted to Mr.
James D. Dana, of the late Exploring Expedition to the South Seas.
The Collection of Plants made during my exploration was placed in
the hands of Dr. John Torrey, who prepared the catalogue which
is annexed to the narrative." James Dwight Dana (1813-95) had
recently returned from serving with Charles Wilkes. He was a pro-
fessor at Yale, author of standard works in geology, and editor of
the American Journal of Science.
Despite our usual adherence to the policy of presenting documents
in chronological order, we have placed this report slightly out of
order so that it may appear at the end of this division of the volume.
REPORT
Washington, March 1, 1843
To CoL. J. J. Abert,
Chief of the Corps of Topographical Engineers:
Sir: Agreeably to your orders to explore and report upon the
country between the frontiers of Missouri and the South Pass in the
Rocky mountains, and on the line of the Kansas and Great Platte
rivers, I sat out from Washington city on the 2d day of May, 1842,
arrived at St. Louis, by way of New York, the 22d of May, where
the necessary preparations were completed, and the expedition com-
menced. I proceeded in a steamboat to Chouteau's Landing, about
400 miles by water from St. Louis, and near the mouth of the Kan-
sas river, whence we proceeded twelve miles to Mr. Cyprian Chou-
teau's trading house, where we completed our final arrangements
for the expedition.
Bad weather, which interfered with astronomical observations,
delayed us several days in the early part of June at this post, which is
on the right bank of the Kansas river, about ten miles above the
mouth, and six beyond the western boundary of Missouri. The sky
cleared off at length, and we were enabled to determine our position,
in longitude 94° 39^ 16", and latitude 39° 5' 57". The elevation above
the sea is about 700 feet. Our camp, in the meantime, presented an
169
animated and busding scene. All were busily occupied in completing
the necessary arrangements for our campaign in the wilderness, and
profiting by this short delay on the verge of civilization, to provide
ourselves with all the little essentials to comfort in the nomadic life
we were to lead for the ensuing summer months. Gradually, how-
ever, everything, the materiel of the camp, men, horses, and even
mules, settled into its place, and by the 10th we were ready to depart;
but, before we mount our horses, I will give a short description of
the party with which I performed this service.
I had collected in the neighborhood of St. Louis twenty-one men,
principally Creole and Canadian voyageurs, who had become famil-
iar with prairie life in the service of the fur companies in the Indian
country. Mr. Charles Preuss, a native of Germany, was my assistant
in the topographical part of the survey. L. Maxwell, of Kaskaskia,
had been engaged as hunter, and Christopher Carson, more famil-
iarly known, for his exploits in the mountains, as Kit Carson, was
our guide. The persons engaged in St. Louis, were:
Clement Lambert, J. B. L'Esperance, J. B. Lefevre, Benjamin
Potra, Louis Gouin, J. B. Dumes, Basil Lajeunesse, Francois Tessier,
Benjamin Cadotte, Joseph Clement, Daniel Simonds, Leonard Benoit,
Michel Morly, Baptiste Bernier, Honore Ayot, Francois Latulippe,
Frangois Badeau, Louis Menard, Joseph Ruelle, Moise Chardonnais,
Auguste Janisse, Raphael Proue.
In addition to these, Henry Brant, son of Col. J. B. Brant, of St.
Louis, a young man of nineteen years of age, and Randolph, a lively
boy of twelve, son of the Hon. Thomas H. Benton, accompanied me,
for the development of mind and body which such an expedition
would give.^ We were all well armed and mounted, with the excep-
tion of eight men, who conducted as many carts, in which were
packed our stores, with the baggage and instruments, and which
were each drawn by two mules. A few loose horses, and four oxen,
which had been added to our stock of provisions, completed the
1. All the men on the expedition have been mentioned earlier, and some
biographical information — usually scant — has been presented. In the present
listing, JCF does not mention Registe Larente, who went only as far as Fort
John near the mouth of the Laramie; Osea Harmiyo [Jose Armijo], hired at
Fort St. Vrain on 9 July; or a man named Descoteaux who is not mentioned
here or in the vouchers but is named later in the report. Latulippe did not
start with the expedition, but was encountered with some comrades on 29
June, laden with robes, and was hired on the spot. He had been with Nicollet
and JCF on the 1839 expedition.
170
train. We sat out on the morning of the 10th, which happened to be
Friday, a circumstance which our men did not fail to remember and
recall during the hardships and vexations of the ensuing journey.
Mr. Cyprian Chouteau, to whose kindness during our stay at his
house we were much indebted, accompanied us several miles on our
way, until we met an Indian, whom he had engaged to conduct us
on the first thirty or forty miles, where he was to consign us to the
ocean of prairie, which, we were told, stretched without interrup-
tion almost to the base of the Rocky Mountains.
From the belt of wood which borders the Kanzas, in which we
had passed several good-looking Indian farms, we suddenly emerged
on the prairies, which received us at the outset with some of their
striking characteristics; for here and there rode an Indian, and but
a few miles distant, heavy clouds of smoke were rolling before the
fire. In about ten miles we reached the Santa Fe road, along which
we continued for a short time, and encamped early on a small
stream, having travelled about eleven miles.' During our journey.
2. JCF is reconnoitering, not trailblazing, and there is little need to docu-
ment every mile of his progress along an already established trail. When
he reaches the South Pass area and strikes out to the north on his own, we
shall feel justified in following him more closely. A word is required about
our approach to the identification of topographical features, campsites, and
other matters of geographical interest. With an expedition as early as, say,
the Lewis and Clark expedition of 1804-6, where every bend of the river
brought the men into view of hitherto unknown and unnamed features of the
land, the places where they camped and the names they devised are of great
historical importance. But JCF, half a century later, is no pathfinder — never
personally claimed to be — and his eyes seldom fall upon a mountain range or
a lake not known by an earlier traveler. This is particularly true when he is
on the Oregon Trail.
While we do not feel compelled to annotate every river, lake, or other
feature described by JCF, we do it frequently and perhaps not always con-
sistently. We do it to keep track of the expedition on the map, to identify
landmarks which have special interest, and to provide modern nomenclature
for certain place-names which have changed through the years. We are more
attentive to this responsibility when JCF is not following well-worn trails. For
detailed information on the early trails, see George R. Stewart, The California
Trail (New York, 1962), Jay Monaghan, The Overland Trail (Indianapolis,
1947), Irene D. Paden, The Wa\e of the Prairie Schooner (New York, 1943),
and the "Introductions" by Dale L. Morgan to The Overland Diary of
James A. Pritchard from Kentucky to Calfornia in 1849 (Denver, Colo.,
1959) and by David Potter to Trail to California (New Haven, Conn., 1945).
A recent and authoritative work, but following the trail along the Platte and
North Platte only as far as Fort Laramie, is Merrill J. .Mattes, The Great
Platte River Road (Lincoln, Nebr., 1969).
171
it was the customary practice to encamp an hour or two before sun-
set, when the carts were disposed so as to form a sort of barricade
around a circle some eighty yards in diameter. The tents were
pitched, and the horses hobbled and turned loose to graze; and but
a few minutes elapsed before the cooks of the messes, of which there
were four, were busily engaged in preparing the evening meal. At
night fall, the horses, mules, and oxen, were driven in, and picketted
— that is, secured by a halter, of which one end was tied to a small
steel-shod picket, and driven into the ground; the halter being
twenty or thirty feet long, which enabled them to obtain a little
food during the night. When we had reached a part of the country
where such a precaution became necessary, the carts being regularly
arranged for defending the camp, guard was mounted at eight
o'clock, consisting of three men, who were relieved every two hours;
the morning watch being horse guard for the day. At daybreak, the
camp was roused, the animals turned loose to graze, and breakfast
generally over between six and seven o'clock, when we resumed our
march, making regularly a halt at noon for one or two hours. Such
was usually the order of the day, except when accident of country
forced a variation, which, however, happened but rarely. We travelled
the next day along the Santa Fe road, which we left in the after-
noon, and encamped late in the evening on a small creek, called by
the Indians Mishmagwi. Just as we arrived at camp, one of the
horses set off at full speed on his return, and was followed by others.
Several men were sent in pursuit, and returned with the fugitives
about midnight, with the exception of one man, who did not make
his appearance until morning. He had lost his way in the darkness
of the night, and slept on the prairie. Shortly after midnight it be-
gan to rain heavily, and as our tents were of light and thin cloth,
they offered but little obstruction to rain; we were all well soaked,
and glad when morning came. We had a rainy march on the 12th,
but the weather grew fine as the day advanced. We encamped in a
remarkably beautiful situation on the Kanzas BluiTs, which com-
manded a fine view of the river valley, here from three to four miles
wide. The central portion was occupied by a broad belt of heavy
timber, and nearer the hills the prairies were of the richest verdure.
One of the oxen was killed here for food.
We reached the ford of the Kanzas^ late in the afternoon of the
3. One of the well-known fording places on the Kansas River, in the
vicinity of present Topeka. JCF's route thus far has been the traditional one,
172
14th, where the river was two hundred and thirty yards wide, and
commenced immediately preparations for crossing. I had expected
to find the river fordable, but it had been swollen by the late rains,
and was sweeping by with an angry current, yellow and turbid as
the Missouri. Up to this point, the road we had travelled was a re-
markably fine one, well beaten, and level, the usual road of a prairie
country. By our route the ford was one hundred miles from the
mouth of the Kanzas river. Several mounted men led the way into
the stream to swim across. The animals were driven in after them,
and in a few minutes all had reached the opposite bank in safety,
with the exception of the oxen, which swam some distance down
the river, and, returning to the right bank were not got over until
the next morning. In the meantime, the carts had been unloaded
and dismantled, and an India-rubber boat, which I had brought
with me for the survey of the Platte river, placed in the water. The
boat was twenty feet long, and five broad, and on it was placed the
body and wheels of a cart, with the load belonging to it, and three
men with paddles.
The velocity of the current, and the inconvenient freight, ren-
dering it difficult to be managed, Basil Lajeunesse, one of our best
swimmers, took in his teeth a line attached to the boat, and swam
ahead in order to reach a footing as soon as possible, and assist in
drawing her over. In this manner, six passages had been successfully
made, and as many carts with their contents, and a greater portion
of the party deposited on the left bank ; but night was drawing near,
and in our anxiety to have all over before darkness closed in, I put
upon the boat the remaining two carts, with their accompanying
load. The man at the helm was timid in water, and in his alarm
starting out along the Santa Fe Trail to avoid some bad crossings, then veer-
ing northward in the direction of the Platte. The creek he calls "Mishmagwi"
may be Bull Creek or Captain Creek. After his crossing of the Kansas he will
be traveling north and west, across northern tributaries of the Little Blue,
until he reaches (Jrand Island at the Platte.
The hunter who visited camp on the evening of 17 June brought news of
one of the very earliest wagon trains to journey to Oregon. Dr. Elijah White
(d. 1879), of New York, had gone to the Willamette Valley by sea in 1837,
on behalf of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Returning to Washington,
D.C., he was appointed Indian agent with the understanding that he was to
return to Oregon. At the time of his departure he was anticipating the passage
of a bill authorizing the president to appoint agents for the territory west of
Iowa. (The bill did not pass and White's appointment failed, but this was not
known in Oregon until the fall of 1843.)
173
capsized the boat. Carts, barrels, boxes, and bales, were in a moment
floating down the current, but all the men who were on the shore
jumped into the water, without stopping to think if they could
swim, and almost every thing, even heavy articles, such as guns and
lead, were recovered.
Two of the men who could not swim came nigh being drowned,
and all the sugar belonging to one of the messes wasted its sweets on
the muddy waters; but our heaviest loss was a bag of cofTee, which
contained nearly all our provision. It was a loss which none but a
traveller in a strange and inhospitable country can appreciate; and
often afterward, when excessive toil and long marching had over-
come us with fatigue and weariness, we remembered and mourned
over our loss in the Kanzas. Carson and Maxwell had been much
in the water yesterday, and both in consequence were taken ill. The
former continuing so, I remained in camp. A number of Kanzas
Indians visited us to-day. Going up to one of the groups who were
scattered among the trees, I found one sitting on the ground among
some of the men, gravely and fluently speaking French, with as
much facility and as little embarrassment as any of my own party,
who were nearly all of French origin.
On all sides was heard the strange language of his own people,
wild, and harmonizing well with their appearance. I listened to him
for some time with feelings of strange curiosity and interest. He was
now apparently thirty-five years of age; and, on inquiry, I learned
that he had been at St. Louis when a boy, and there had learned the
French language. From one of the Indian women I obtained a fine
cow and calf in exchange for a yoke of oxen. Several of them
brought us vegetables, pumpkins, onions, beans, and lettuce. One of
them brought butter, and from a half-breed near the river I had the
good fortune to obtain some twenty or thirty pounds of coffee. The
dense timber in which we had encamped interfered with astronomi-
cal observations, and our wet and damaged stores required exposure
to the sun. Accordingly, the tents were struck early the next morn-
ing, and, leaving camp at six o'clock, we moved about seven miles
up the river to a handsome, open prairie some twenty feet above the
water, where the fine grass afforded a luxurious repast to our horses.
During the day we occupied ourselves in making astronomical
observations, in order to lay down the country to this place, it being
our custom to keep up our map regularly in the field, which we
found attended with many advantages. The men were kept busy in
174
drying the provisions, painting the cart covers, and otherwise com-
pleting our equipage, until the afternoon, v^hen powder was distrib-
uted to them, and they spent some hours in firing at a mark. We
were now fairly in the Indian country, and it began to be time to
prepare for the chances of the wilderness.
Friday, ]une 17. — The weather yesterday had not permitted us to
make the observations I was desirous to obtain here, and I therefore
did not move to-day. The people continued their target firing. In the
steep bank of the river here were nests of innumerable swallows,
into one of which a large prairie snake had got about half his body,
and was occupied in eating the young birds. The old ones were fly-
ing about in great distress, darting at him, and vainly endeavoring
to drive him ofT. A shot wounded him, and, being killed, he was cut
open, and eighteen young swallows were found in his body. A sud-
den storm that burst upon us in the afternoon cleared away in a
brilliant sunset, followed by a clear night, which enabled us to deter-
mine our position in longitude 96° 10' 06", and in latitude 39° 06' 40".
A party of emigrants to the Columbia river, under the charge of
Dr. White, an agent of the Government in Oregon Territory, were
about three weeks in advance of us. They consisted of men, women,
and children. There were sixty-four men and sixteen or seventeen
families. They had a considerable number of cattle, and were trans-
porting their household furniture in large heavy wagons. I under-
stood that there had been much sickness among them, and that they
had lost several children. One of the party who had lost his child,
and whose wife was very ill, had left them about one hundred miles
hence on the prairies; and as a hunter who had accompanied them
visited our camp this evening, we availed ourselves of his return to
the States to write to our friends.
The morning of the 18th was very unpleasant. A fine rain was fall-
ing, with cold wind from the north, and mists made the river hills
look dark and gloomy. We left our camp at seven, journeying along
the foot of the hills which border the Kansas valley, generally about
three miles wide, and extremely rich. We halted for dinner, after a
march of about thirteen miles, on the banks of one of the many little
tributaries to the Kansas, which look like trenches in the prairie,
and are usually well timbered. After crossing this stream, I rode off
some miles to the left, attracted by the appearance of a cluster of huts
near the mouth of the [Little] Vermillion. It was a large but de-
serted Kansas village, scattered in an open wood along the margin
175
of the stream, on a spot chosen with the customary Indian fondness
for beauty and scenery. The Pawnees had attacked it in the early
spring. Some of the houses were burnt, and others blackened with
smoke, and weeds were already getting possession of the cleared
places. Riding up the [Little] Vermillion river, I reached the ford
in time to meet the carts, and crossing, encamped on its western
side. The weather continued cool, the thermometer being this evening
as low as 49°, but the night was sufficiently clear for astronomical
observations, which placed us in longitude 96° 36' 40", and latitude
39° 15' 19".^ At sunset, the barometer was at 28,845, thermometer 64°.
We breakfasted the next morning at half past five, and left our
encampment early. The morning was cool, the thermometer being at
45°. Quitting the river bottom, the road ran along the uplands, over
a rolling country, generally in view of the Kansas, from eight to
twelve miles distant. Many large boulders of a very compact sand-
stone of various shades of red, some of them four or five tons in
weight, were scattered along the hills; and many beautiful plants
in flower, among which the amorpha canescens was a characteristic,
enlivened the green of the prairie. At the heads of the ravines I
remarked occasionally thickets of salix longifolia, the most com-
mon willow of the country. We travelled nineteen miles, and pitched
our tents at evening on the head waters of a small creek, now
nearly dry, but having in its bed several fine springs. The barom-
eter indicated a considerable rise in the country — here about fourteen
hundred feet above the sea — and the increased elevation appeared
already to have some slight influence upon the vegetation. The
night was cold, with a heavy dew, the thermometer at ten stand-
ing at 46°, barometer 28,483. Our position was in longitude 96°
48' 05", and latitude 39° 30' 40".
The morning of the 20th was fine, with a southerly breeze and a
4. In the manuscript draft, the longitude is the same as that given here,
but in the 1845 edition it is changed to 96° 04' 07". Although JCF's latitudes
remain fairly constant in the various versions, the longitudes — more difficult
to fix — were frequently changed by later findings or calculations. In a note
on his observations written after his 1843-44 expedition, and placed in the
1845 edition, he explains that his earlier longitudes were thrown too far to the
westward by the use of an occultation "which experience has recently shown
to be deserving of little comparative confidence." He then adjusted all these
1842 longitudes by referring them chronometrically to those established in
1843-44. His corrected longitudes usually lie to the west of modern readings.
The readings used here for the 1842 expedition will be those first published
by JCFindie 1843 report.
176
bright sky, and at 7 o'clock we were on the march. The country
to-day was rather more broken, rising still, and covered every where
with fragments of siliceous limestone, particularly on the summits,
where they were small, and thickly strewed as pebbles on the shore
of the sea. In these exposed situations grew but few plants; though,
whenever the soil was good and protected from the winds, in the
creek bottoms and ravines, and on the slopes, they flourished abun-
dantly; among them, the amorpha' still retaining its characteristic
place. We crossed, at 10, the Big Vermillion [Black Vermillion],
which has a rich bottom of about one mile in breadth, one third of
which is occupied by timber. Making our usual halt at noon, after
a day's march of twenty-four miles, we reached the Big Blue, and
encamped on the uplands of the western side, near a small creek,
where was a fine large spring of very cold water. This is a clear and
handsome stream, about one hundred and twenty feet wide, run-
ning, with a rapid current, through a well-timbered valley. To-day
antelope were seen running over the hills, and at evening Carson
brought us a fine deer. Long, of the camp 97° 06' 58", lat. 39° 45' 08".
Thermometer at sunset 75°. A pleasant southerly breeze and fine
morning had given place to a gale, with indications of bad weather,
when, after a march of ten miles, we halted to noon on a small
creek, where the water stood in deep pools. In the bank of the
creek, limestone made its appearance in a stratum about one foot
thick. In the afternoon, the people seemed to suffer for want of
water. The road led along a high dry ridge; dark lines of timber
indicated the heads of streams in the plains below; but there was no
water near, and the day was very oppressive, with a hot wind, and
the thermometer at 90°. Along our route, the amorpha has been in
very abundant but variable bloom: in some places, bending be-
neath the weight of purple clusters; in others, without a flower.
It seems to love best the sunny slopes, with a dark soil and southern
exposure. Every where the rose is met with, and reminds us of
cultivated gardens and civilization. It is scattered over the prairies
in small bouquets, and, when glittering in the dews and waving in
the pleasant breeze of the early morning, is the most beautiful of the
prairie flowers. The artemisia, absinthe, or prairie sage, as it is
variously called, is increasing in size, and glitters like silver, as the
5. The manuscript draft reads, "among them the Coreopsis palmata began to
cluster in larger yellow patches but the Amorpha still retained its character-
istic place."
177
southern breeze turns up its leaves to the sun. All these plants have
their insect inhabitants, variously colored; taking generally the hue
of the flower on which they live. The artemisia has its small fly ac-
companying it through every change of elevation and latitude; and
wherever I have seen the asclepias tuherosa, I have always remarked,
too, on the flower, a large butterfly, so nearly resembling it in color,
as to be distinguishable at a little distance only by the motion of its
wings.*' Travelling on the fresh traces of the Oregon emigrants re-
lieves a little the loneliness of the road ; and to-night, after a march
of twenty-two miles, we halted on a small creek, which had been
one of their encampments. As we advance westward, the soil appears
to be getting more sandy, and the surface rock, an erratic deposite
of sand and gravel, rests here on a bed of coarse yellow and gray
and very friable sandstone. Evening closed over with rain and its
usual attendant, hordes of mosquitoes, with which we were annoyed
for the first time.
]une 11. — We enjoyed at breakfast this morning a luxury very
unusual in this country, in a cup of excellent coffee, with cream
from our cow. Being milked at night, cream was thus had in the
morning. Our mid-day halt was at Wyeth's creek, in the bed of
which, were numerous boulders of dark ferruginous sandstone,
mingled with others of the red sandstone already mentioned. Here
a pack of cards, lying loose on the grass, marked an encampment of
our Oregon emigrants; and it was at the close of the day when we
made our bivouac in the midst of some well-timbered ravines near
the Little Blue, twenty-four miles from our camp of the preceding
night. Crossing the next morning a number of handsome creeks,
with clear water and sandy beds, we reached, at 10, a very beautiful
wooded stream, about thirty-five feet wide, called Sandy creek, and,
sometimes, as the Otoes frequently winter there, the Otoe fork. The
country has become very sandy, and the plants less varied and abun-
dant, with the exception of the amorpha, which rivals the grass in
quantity, though not so forward as it has been found to the eastward.
6. In the manuscript draft, a blank is left for A. tuherosa, and "butterfly"
reads "red butterfly." Inserted after the next sentence: "This party consists of
above 100 persons, with cattle, horses, carts, &c." Throughout the remainder
of the manuscript version, many of the scientific names of plants are missing,
JCF having left blanks to be filled in after Torrey had made the necessary
determinations. All of the plants collected by JCF are catalogued, beginning on
p. 290, and we make few comments on them in the notes.
178
At the Big Trees, where we had intended to noon, no water was
to be found. The bed of the Httle creek was perfectly dry, and on the
adjacent sandy bottom, cacti [prickly pear], for the first time, made
their appearance. We made here a short delay in search of water;
and, after a hard day's march of twenty-eight miles, encamped, at
five o'clock, on the Little Blue, where our arrival made a scene of
the Arabian desert. As fast as they arrived, men and horses rushed
into the stream, where they bathed and drank together in common
enjoyment. We were now in the range of the Pawnees, who were
accustomed to infest this part of the country, stealing horses from
companies on their way to the mountains, and, when in sufficient
force openly attacking and plundering them, and subjecting them
to various kinds of insult. For the first time, therefore, guard was
mounted to night. Our route the next morning lay up the valley,
which, bordered by hills with graceful slopes, looked uncommonly
green and beautiful. The stream was about fifty feet wide and three
or four deep, fringed by cotton wood and willow, with frequent
groves of oak tenanted by flocks of turkeys. Game here, too, made its
appearance in greater plenty. Elk were frequently seen on the hills,
and now and then an antelope bounded across our path, or a deer
broke from the groves. The road in the afternoon was over the up-
per prairies, several miles from the river, and we encamped at sunset
on one of its small tributaries, where an abundance of prele {equi-
setum) afforded fine forage to our tired animals. We had travelled
thirty-one miles. A heavy bank of black clouds in the west came on
us in a storm between nine and ten, preceded by a violent wind. The
rain fell in such torrents that it was difficult to breathe facing the
wind, the thunder rolled incessantly, and the whole sky was trem-
ulous with lightning; now and then illuminated by a blinding
flash, succeeded by pitchy darkness. Carson had the watch from ten
to midnight, and to him had been assigned our young compagnons
de voyage, Messrs. Brant and R. Benton. This was their first night on
guard, and such an introduction did not augur very auspiciously of
the pleasures of the expedition. Many things conspired to render
their situation uncomfortable; stories of desperate and bloody Indian
fights were rife in the camp; our position was badly chosen, sur-
rounded on all sides by timbered hollows, and occupying an area of
several hundred feet, so that necessarily the guards were far apart;
and now and then I could hear Randolph, as if relieved by the sound
of a voice in the darkness, calling out to the sergeant of the guard, to
179
I
direct his attention to some imaginary alarm; but they stood it out,
and took their turn regularly afterward.
The next morning we had a specimen of the false alarms to which
all parties in these wild regions are subject. Proceeding up the valley,
objects were seen on the opposite hills, which disappeared before a
glass could be brought to bear upon them. A man^ who was a short
distance in the rear came spurring up in great haste, shouting In-
dians! Indians! He had been near enough to see and count them,
according to his report, and had made out twenty-seven. I im-
mediately halted, arms were examined and put in order; the usual
preparations made; and Kit Carson, springing upon one of the hunt-
ing horses, crossed the river, and galloped off into the opposite prai-
ries to obtain some certain intelligence of their movements.
Mounted on a fine horse, without a saddle, and scouring bare-
headed over the prairies. Kit was one of the finest pictures of a
horseman I have ever seen. A short time enabled him to discover
that the Indian war party of twenty-seven consisted of six elk, who
had been gazing curiously at our caravan as it passed by, and were
now scampering off at full speed. This was our first alarm, and its
excitement broke agreeably on the monotony of the day. At our
noon halt, the men were exercised at a target ; and in the evening we
pitched our tents at a Pawnee encampment of last July. They had
apparently killed buffalo here, as many bones were lying about, and
the frames where the hides had been stretched were yet standing.
The road of the day had kept the valley, which is sometimes rich
and well timbered, though the country is generally sandy. Mingled
with the usual plants, a thistle {carduus leucographus) had for the
last day or two made its appearance; and along the river bottom,
tradescantia {virginica) and milk plant {asclepias syriaca*) in con-
siderable quantities.^
* "This plant is very odoriferous, and in Canada charms the traveller, espe-
cially when passing through woods in the evening. The French there eat the
tender shoots in the spring, as we do asparagus. The natives make a sugar
of the flowers, gathering them in the morning when they are covered with
dew, and collect the cotton from the pods to fill their beds. On account of the
silkiness of this cotton, Parkinson calls the plant Virginian silk."^ — Loudon's
Encyclopedia of Plants. The Sioux Indians of the Upper Platte eat the young
pods of this plant, boiling them with the meat of the buffalo.
7. PREuss, 13, says this man was Henry Brant.
8. At this point in the text, the manuscript draft contains the following de-
leted paragraphs:
i8o
Our march to-day had been twenty-one miles, and the astronomi-
cal observations gave us a chronometric longitude of 98° 54' 07", and
latitude 40° 26' 50". We w^ere moving forward at seven in the morn-
ing, and in about five miles reached a fork of the Blue, where the
road leaves that river, and crosses over to the Platte. No water was to
be found on the dividing ridge, and the casks were filled and the
animals here allowed a short repose. The road led across a high and
level prairie ridge, where were but few plants, and those principally
thistle {carduus leucographus), and a kind of dwarf artemisia. Ante-
lope were seen frequently during the morning, which was very
stormy. Squalls of rain, with thunder and lightning, were around us
in every direction; and while we were enveloped in one of them, a
flash, which seemed to scorch our eyes as it passed, struck in the
prairie within a few hundred feet, sending up a column of dust.
Crossing on the way several Pawnee roads to the Arkansas, we
reached, in about twenty-one miles from our halt on the Blue, what
is called the coast of the Nebraska, or Platte river. This had seemed
in the distance a range of high and broken hills, but on a nearer ap-
proach were found to be elevations of forty to sixty feet, into which
the wind had worked the sand. They were covered with the usual
fine grasses of the country, and bordered the eastern side of the
ridge on a breadth of about two miles. Change of soil and country
appeared here to have produced some change in the vegetation.
Cacti were numerous, and all the plants of the region appeared to
flourish among the warm hills. Among them the amorpha, in full
bloom, was remarkable for its large and luxuriant purple clusters.
From the foot of the coast, a distance of two miles across the level
"Our cook was very dilatory & I had been obliged to give him an assistant.
He thought rather that men lived to eat than that they ate to live, had no idea
of the value of time & was never known to hurry except when eating an
omelette souffle which was a dish he said that couldn't bear to wait.
"Descouteaux, the man I had given, was an excellent cook & though but
a prairie artist one on whom the mantle of Ade [?] had fallen most becom-
ingly. They did not agree very well & this evening a professional dispute
broke into an open fight, with which I did not interfere as it was conducted
with their natural weapons, frying-pans & gridirons. Unwilling to fatigue and
annoy the men by restraining their natural freedom in the ettiquette of small
observances, I had determined to enforce only those points of discipline which
really regarded our preservation in a remote country & the success of the Ex-
pedition & so long as in their disputes they had no recourse to arms I fol-
lowed the custom of the country & in no wise interfered with their amuse-
ments."
i8i
bottom brought us to our encampment on the shore of the river,
about twenty miles below the head of Grand island, which lay ex-
tended before us, covered with dense and heavy woods. From the
mouth of the Kansas, according to our reckoning, we had travelled
three hundred and twenty-eight miles; and the geological formation
of the country we had passed over consisted of lime and sandstone,
covered by the same erratic deposite of sand and gravel which forms
the surface rock of the prairies between the Missouri and Mississippi
rivers; except in some occasional limestone boulders, I had met with
no fossils. The elevation of the Platte valley above the sea is here
about two thousand feet. The astronomical observations of the night
placed us in longitude 99° 17 M'\ latitude 40° 41' 06''.
]une 27. — The animals were somewhat fatigued by their march of
yesterday, and after a short journey of eighteen miles along the river
bottom, I encamped near the head of Grand island,^ in longitude,
by observation, 99° 37' 45", latitude 40° 39' 32". The soil here was
light but rich, though in some places rather sandy; and, with the ex-
ception of a scattered fringe along the bank, the timber, consisting
principally of poplar {populus monilifera), elm, and hackberry {celtts
crassifolid), is confined almost entirely to the islands.
]une 28. — We halted to noon at an open reach of the river, which
occupies rather more than a fourth of the valley, here only about
four miles broad. The camp had been disposed with the usual pre-
caution, the horses grazing at a little distance, attended by the guard,
and we were all sitting quietly at our dinner on the grass, when sud-
denly we heard the startling cry "du monde!" In an instant, every
man's weapon was in his hand, the horses were driven in, hobbled
and picketted, and horsemen were galloping at full speed in the
direction of the new comers, screaming and yelling with the wildest
excitement. "Get ready, my lads!" said the leader of the approaching
party to his men, when our wild-looking horsemen were discovered
bearing down upon them; "nous allo?is attraper des coups de ba-
guette." They proved to be a small party of fourteen, under the
9. At the site of present Grand Island, Nebr. When William Marshall
Anderson camped there in 1834, he described it as "the longest fresh water
river island, perhaps in America. ... It commences indeed, God knows
where, & ends God knows where" (anderson, 204). It still does, as the chan-
nelings of the river have broken it into many segments. Early travelers esti-
mated its length at anywhere from 50 to 120 miles. But it was never much
more than a band, splitting the river into two main channels (mattes, 194).
182
charge of a man named John Lee, and with their baggage and pro-
visions strapped to their backs, were making their way on foot to the
frontier. A brief account of their fortunes will give some idea of
navigation in the Nebraska. Sixty days since they had left the
mouth of Laramie's fork, some three hundred miles above, in barges
laden with the furs of the American Fur Company. They started
with the annual flood, and drawing but nine inches water, hoped to
make a speedy and prosperous voyage to St, Louis; but, after a lapse
of forty days, found themselves only one hundred and thirty miles
from their point of departure. They came down rapidly as far as
Scott's blufTs, where their difficulties began. Sometimes they came
upon places where the water was spread over a great extent, and
here they toiled from morning until night, endeavoring to drag their
boat through the sands, making only two or three miles in as many
days. Sometimes they would enter an arm of the river, where there
appeared a fine channel, and after descending prosperously for eight
or ten miles, would come suddenly upon dry sands, and be com-
pelled to return, dragging their boat for days against the rapid cur-
rent; and at others, they came upon places where the water lay in
holes, and getting out to float ofT their boat, would fall into water up
to their necks, and the next moment tumble over against a sandbar.
Discouraged at length, and finding the Platte growing every day
more shallow, they discharged the principal part of their cargoes one
hundred and thirty miles l3elow Fort Laramie, which they secured
as well as possible, and leaving a few men to guard them, attempted
to continue their voyage, laden with some light furs and their
personal baggage. After fifteen or twenty days more struggling in
the sands, during which they made but one hundred and forty miles,
they sunk their barges, made a cache of their remaining furs and
property, in trees on the bank, and, packing on his back what each
man could carry, had commenced, the day before we encountered
them, their journey on foot to St. Louis.
We laughed then at their forlorn and vagabond appearance, and
in our turn a month or two afterwards furnished the same occasion
for merriment to others.^*' Even their stock of tobacco, that sine qua
10. Deleted from the manuscript draft at this point: "In their parti-
coloured & motley dresses one was strongly reminded of Hogarth's picture
of the Beggars, rendered somewhat dingy by time." Among the forlorn and
vagabond of John Lee's party was Rufus B. Sage (1817-93), a young Con-
necticut-born newspaperman. He had gone west to trap and trade and to
183
non of a voyageur, without which the night fire is gloomy, was en-
tirely exhausted. However, we shortened their homeward journey by
a small supply from our own provision. They gave us the welcome
intelligence that the Buffalo were abundant some two days' march
in advance, and made us a present of some choice pieces, which were
a very acceptable change from our salt pork. In the interchange of
news, and the renewal of old acquaintanceships, we found where-
withal to fill a busy hour, then we mounted our horses, and they
shouldered their packs, and we shook hands and parted. Among
them, I had found an old companion on the northern prairie, a
hardened and hardly served veteran of the mountains, who had been
as much hacked and scarred as an old moustache of Napoleon's "old
guard." He flourished in the sobriquet of La Tulipe,^^ and his real
name I never knew. Finding that he was going to the States only
because his company was bound in that direction, and that he was
rather more willing to return with me, I took him again into my
service. We travelled this day but seventeen miles.
At our evening camp, about sunset, three figures were discovered
approaching, which our glasses made out to be Indians. They proved
to be Cheyennes, two men and a boy of thirteen. About a month
since, they had left their people on the south fork of the river, some
three hundred miles to the westward, and a party of only four in
number had been to the Pawnee villages on a horse stealing excur-
sion, from which they were returning unsuccessful. They were miser-
ably mounted on wild horses from the Arkansas plains, and had no
other weapons than bows and long spears; and had they been dis-
covered by the Pawnees, could not, by any possibility, have escaped.
They were mortified by their ill success, and said the Pawnees were
cowards who shut up their horses in their lodges at night. I invited
gather material for an intended book which he pubhshed in 1846 under the
title Scenes in the Roc\y Mountains. . . . The book went through many
printings. The first edition included 3,000 copies paperbound and 500 cloth-
bound. Some copies of the clothbound volume included a map which was ap-
parently adapted from Fremont's Report. Sage married in 1847 and setded
down in the small Connecticut town of his birth, Upper Middletown, where
he farmed until his death (sage, 1:1-27, 2:41).
11. Francois Latulippe, previously identified. Perhaps as an added induce-
ment, JCF bought twelve buffalo hides from him (voucher no. 23, p. 152).
According to Sage a pack of buffalo robes generally embraced ten skins and
weighed about eighty pounds (sage, 2:19n). Latulippe was paid off at Fort
John on the return trip.
184
them to supper with me, and Randolph and the young Cheyenne,
who had been eyeing each other suspiciously and curiously, soon be-
came intimate friends. After supper we sat down on the grass, and I
placed a sheet of paper between us, on which they traced rudely, but
with a certain degree of relative truth, the watercourses of the coun-
try which lay between us and their villages, and of which I desired
to have some information. Their companions, they told us, had
taken a nearer route over the hills, but they had mounted one of the
summits to spy out the country, whence they had caught a glimpse
of our party, and, confident of good treatment at the hands of the
whites, hastened to join company. Latitude of the camp 40° 39' 51".
We made the next morning sixteen miles. I remarked that the
ground was covered in many places with an efflorescence of salt, and
the plants were not numerous. In the bottoms was frequently seen
tradescantia, and on the dry benches were carduus, cactus, and amor-
pha. A high wind during the morning had increased to a violent
gale from the northwest, which made our afternoon ride cold and
unpleasant. We had the welcome sight of two buffaloes on one of
the large islands; and encamped at a clump of timber about seven
miles from our noon halt, after a day's march of twenty-two miles.
The air was keen the next morning at sunrise, the thermometer
standing at 44°, and it was sufficiently cold to make overcoats very
comfortable. A few miles brought us into the midst of the Buffalo,
swarming in immense numbers over the plains, where they had left
scarcely a blade of grass standing. Mr. Preuss, who was sketching at
a little distance in the rear, had at first noted them as large groves of
timber. In the sight of such a mass of life, the traveller feels a strange
emotion of grandeur. We had heard from a distance a dull and con-
fused murmuring, and when we came in view of their dark masses,
there was not one among us who did not feel his heart beat quicker.
It was the early part of the day, when the herds are feeding; and
every where they were in motion. Here and there a huge old bull
was rolling in the grass, and clouds of dust rose in the air from vari-
ous parts of the bands, each the scene of some obstinate fight. Indians
and buffalo make the poetry and life of the prairie, and our camp
was full of their exhilaration. In place of the quiet monotony of
the march, relieved only by the cracking of the whip, and an
"avance done! enjant de garcel" shouts and songs resounded from
every part of the line, and our evening camp was always the com-
mencement of a feast, which terminated only with our departure on
185
the following morning. At any time of the night might be seen
pieces of the most delicate and choicest meat, roasting en appolas, on
sticks around the fire, and the guard were never without company.
With pleasant weather and no enemy to fear, an abundance of the
most excellent meat, and no scarcity of bread or tobacco, they were
enjoying the oasis of a voyageur's life. Three cows were killed to-
day. Kit Carson had shot one, and was continuing the chase in the
midst of another herd, when his horse fell headlong, but sprang up
and joined the flying band. Though considerably hurt, he had the
good fortune to break no bones, and Maxwell, who was mounted
on a fleet hunter, captured the runaway after a hard chase. He was
on the point of shooting him to avoid the loss of his bridle, a hand-
somely mounted Spanish one, when he found that his horse was able
to come up with him. Animals are frequently lost in this way; and
it is necessary to keep close watch over them, in the vicinity of the
buffalo, in the midst of which they scour oflf to the plains, and are
rarely retaken. One of our mules took a sudden freak into his head,
and joined a neighboring band to-day. As we were not in a condi-
tion to lose horses, I sent several men in pursuit and remained in
camp, in the hope of recovering him, but lost the afternoon to no
purpose, as we did not see him again. Astronomical observations
placed us in longitude 100° 38' 10", latitude 40° 49' 55".
]uly 1. — Along our road to-day the prairie bottom was more
elevated and dry, and the hills which border the right side of the
river higher and more broken and picturesque in the outline. The
country too was better timbered. As we were riding quietly along
the bank, a grand herd of buffalo, some seven or eight hundred in
number, came crowding up from the river, where they had been to
drink, and commenced crossing the plain slowly, eating as they
went. The wind was favorable, the coolness of the morning invited
to exercise, the ground was apparently good, and the distance across
the prairie, two or three miles, gave us a fine opportunity to charge
them before they could get among the river hills. It was too fine a
prospect for a chase to be lost, and, halting for a few moments, the
hunters were brought up and saddled, and Kit Carson, Maxwell, and
I, started together. They were now somewhat less than half a mile
distant, and we rode easily along until within about three hundred
yards, when a sudden agitation, a wavering in the band, and a gal-
loping to and fro of some which were scattered along the skirts, gave
us the intimation that we were discovered. We started together at a
i86
hand gallop, riding steadily abreast of each other, and here the in-
terest of the chase became so engrossingly intense, that we were
sensible to nothing else/" We were now closing upon them rapidly,
and the front of the mass was already in rapid motion for the hills,
and in a few seconds the movement had communicated itself to the
whole herd.
A crowd of bulls, as usual, brought up the rear, and every now
and then some of them faced about, and then dashed on after the
band a short distance, and turned and looked again, as if more than
half inclined to stand and fight. In a few moments, however, dur-
ing which we had been quickening our pace, the rout was universal,
and we were going over the ground like a hurricane. When at about
thirty yards we gave the usual shout, the hunter's pas de charge,
and broke into the herd. We entered on the side, the mass giving
way in every direction in their heedless course. Many of the bulls,
less active and less fleet than the cows, paying no attention to the
ground, and occupied solely with the hunter, were precipitated to
the earth with great force, rolling over and over with the violence
of the shock, and hardly distinguishable in the dust. We separated
on entering, each singling out his game.
My horse was a trained hunter, famous in the west under the
name of Proveau, and with his eyes flashing, and the foam flying
from his mouth, sprang on after the cow like a tiger. In a few mo-
ments he brought me alongside of her, and rising in the stirrups, I
fired at the distance of a yard, the ball entering at the termination of
the long hair, and passing near the heart. She fell headlong at the
report of the gun, and checking my horse, I looked around for my
companions. At a little distance Kit was on the ground, engaged in
tying his horse to the horns of a cow which he was preparing to cut
up. Among the scattered bands at some distance below I caught a
glimpse of Maxwell; and while I was looking, a light wreath of
white smoke curled away from his gun, of which I was too far to
hear the report. Nearer, and between me and the hills, towards
which they were directing their course, was the body of the herd,
and giving my horse the rein, we dashed after them. A thick cloud
of dust hung upon their rear, which filled my mouth and eyes, and
12. After this sentence, a prudent deletion in the manuscript draft: "Fifty
Indians might have charged upon us and not been seen until they were at
our bridles."
187
nearly smothered me. In the midst of this I could see nothing, and
the buffalo were not distinguishable until within thirty feet. They
crowded together more densely still as I came upon them, and
rushed along in such a compact body, that I could not obtain an
entrance — the horse almost leaping upon them. In a few moments
the mass divided to the right and left, the horns clattering with a
noise heard above every thing else, and my horse darted into the
opening. Five or six bulls charged on us as we dashed along the
line, but were left far behind, and singling out a cow, I gave her my
fire, but struck too high. She gave a tremendous leap, and scoured on
swifter than before. I reined up my horse, and the band swept on
like a torrent, and left the place quiet and clear.^^ Our chase had led
us into dangerous ground. A prairie-dog village so thickly settled
that there were three or four holes in every twenty yards square,
occupied the whole bottom for nearly two miles in length. Looking
around, I saw only one of the hunters, nearly out of sight, and the
long dark line of our caravan crawling along, three or four miles
distant. After a march of twenty-four miles, we encamped at night-
fall, one mile and a half above the lower end of Brady's island."
The breadth of this arm of the river was eight hundred and eighty
yards, and the water nowhere two feet in depth. The island bears
the name of a man killed on this spot some years ago. His party had
encamped here, three in company, and one of the number went ofT
to hunt, leaving Brady and his companion together. These two had
frequently quarrelled, and on the hunter's return he found Brady
dead, and was told that he had shot himself accidentally. He was
buried here on the bank, but, as usual, the wolves had torn him out,
and some human bones that were lying on the ground we supposed
were his. Troops of wolves that were hanging on the skirts of the
buffalo, kept up an uninterrupted howling during the night, ven-
turing almost into camp. In the morning, they were sitting at a short
distance, barking, and impatiently waiting our departure, to fall
upon the bones.
July 2. — The morning was cool and smoky. Our road led closer to
13. Deleted from the manuscript draft at this point: "I looked around &
saw only one of the hunters nearly out of sight, & the long dark line of our
caravan crawling slowly along, three or four miles distant."
14. Brady's Island, about fifteen miles long, lies just below North Platte,
Nebr. It apparently was named after a man called Brada or Brady, variously
reported to have been killed in 1827 or 1833 (anderson, 190n).
i88
the hills, which here increased in elevation, presenting an outline of
conical peaks three hundred to five hundred feet high. Some timber,
apparently pine, grew in the ravines, and streaks of clay or sand
whiten their slopes. We crossed during the morning a number of
hollows, timbered principally with box elder (acer jiegundo), poplar
and elm. Brady's island is well wooded, and all the river along
which our road led to-day may, in general, be called tolerably well
timbered. We passed near an encampment of the Oregon emigrants,
where they appear to have reposed several days. A variety of house-
hold articles were scattered about, and they had probably disbur-
dened themselves here of many things not absolutely necessary. I had
left the usual road before the mid-day halt, and in the afternoon,
having sent several men in advance to reconnoitre, marched directly
for the mouth of the South fork. On our arrival, the horsemen were
sent in and scattered about the river to search the best fording places,
and the carts followed immediately. The stream is here divided by
an island into two channels. The southern is four hundred and fifty
feet wide, having eighteen or twenty inches water in the deepest
places. With the exception of a few dry bars, the bed of the river is
generally quicksands, in which the carts began to sink rapidly so
soon as the mules halted, so that it was necessary to keep them con-
stantly in motion.
The northern channel, 2,250 feet wide, was somewhat deeper, hav-
ing frequently three feet water in the numerous small channels, with
a bed of coarse gravel. The whole breadth of the Nebraska [Platte],
immediately below the junction, is 5,350 feet. All our equipage had
reached the left bank safely at six o'clock, having to-day made
twenty miles. We encamped at the point of land immediately at the
junction of the North and South forks. Between the streams is a
low rich prairie, extending from their confluence 18 miles west-
wardly to the bordering hills, where it is 5| miles wide. It is covered
with a luxuriant growth of grass, and along the banks is a slight and
scattered fringe of cottonwood and willow. In the buffalo trails and
wallows, I remarked saline efflorescences, to which a rapid evapora-
tion in the great heat of the sun probably contributes, as the soil is
entirely unprotected by timber. In the vicinity of these places there
was a bluish grass, which the cattle refuse to eat, called by the
voyageurs "herbe sake," (salt grass). The latitude of the junction is
41° 4' 47", and longitude by chronometer and lunar distances,
10r21'24". The elevation above the sea is about 2,700 feet. The
189
hunters came in with a fat cow, and, as we had labored hard, we en-
joyed well a supper of roasted ribs and boudins, the chej d'ceuvre of
a prairie cook. Mosquitoes thronged about us this evening; but, by
10 o'clock, when the thermometer had fallen to 47°, they had all
disappeared/^
]uly 3. — As this was to be a point in our homeward journey, I
made a cache (a term used in all this country for what is hidden in
the ground) of a barrel of pork. It was impossible to conceal such a
proceeding from the sharp eyes of our Cheyenne companions, and I
therefore told them to go and see what it was they were burying.
They would otherwise have not failed to return and destroy our
cache, in expectation of some rich booty; but pork they dislike and
never eat. We left our camp at 9, continuing up the South fork, the
prairie bottom affording us a fair road; but in the long grass we
roused myriads of mosquitoes and flies, from which our horses suf-
fered severely. The day was smoky, with a pleasant breeze from, the
south, and the plains on the opposite side were covered with bufiFalo.
Having travelled twenty-five miles we encamped at 6 in the evening,
and the men were sent across the river for wood, as there is none
here on the left bank. Our fires were partially made of the hois de
vache, the dry excrement of the bufTalo, which like that of the camel
in the Arabian deserts, furnishes to the traveller a very good sub-
stitute for wood, burning like turf. Wolves in great numbers sur-
rounded us during the night, crossing and recrossing from the
opposite herds to our camp, and howling and trotting about in the
river until morning.
luly 4. — The morning was very smoky, the sun shining dimly and
red, as in a thick fog. The camp was roused with a salute at day-
break, and from our scanty store a portion of what our Indian
friends called the "red fire water" served out to the men. While we
were at breakfast, a buffalo calf broke through the camp, followed
by a couple of wolves. In its fright, it had probably mistaken us for
a band of bufTalo. The wolves were obliged to make a circuit around
the camp, so that the calf got a little the start, and strained every
nerve to reach a large herd at the foot of the hills, about two miles
distant; but first one and then another and another wolf joined in
the chase, until his pursuers amounted to twenty or thirty, and they
15. Here the manuscript draft carries the phrase, "Characteristic Plants,'
but none are named.
190
ran him down before he could reach his friends. There were a few
bulls near the place, and one of them attacked the wolves and tried to
rescue him; but was driven off immediately, and the little animal fell
an easy prey, half devoured before he was dead. We watched the
chase with the interest always felt for the weak, and had there been
a saddled horse at hand, he would have fared better. Leaving camp,
our road soon approached the hills in which strata of a marl like
that of the chimney rock, hereafter described, make their appear-
ance. It is probably of this rock that the hills on the right bank of the
Platte, a little below the junction, are composed, and which are
worked by the winds and rains into sharp peaks and cones, giving
them, in contrast to the surrounding level region, something of a
picturesque appearance. We crossed this morning numerous beds of
the small creeks which, in the time of rains and melting snow, pour
down from the ridge, bringing down with them always great quan-
tities of sand and gravel, which have gradually raised their beds
four to ten feet above the level of the prairie which they cross, mak-
ing each one of them a miniature Po. Raised in this way above the
surrounding prairie, without any bank, the long yellow and wind-
ing line of their beds resembles a causeway from the hills to
the river. Many spots on the prairie are yellow with sunflower
{helianthus).
As we were riding slowly along this afternoon, clouds of dust in
the ravines among the hills to the right, suddenly attracted our at-
tention, and in a few minutes column after column of buffalo came
galloping down, making directly to the river. By the time the lead-
ing herds had reached the water, the prairie was darkened with the
dense masses. Immediately before us, when the bands first came
down into the valley, stretched an unbroken line, the head of which
was lost among the river hills on the opposite side, and still they poured
down from the ridge on our right. From hill to hill the prairie bot-
tom was certainly not less than two miles wide, and allowing the
animals to be ten feet apart, and only ten in a line, there were al-
ready 11,000 in view. Some idea may thus be formed of their number
when they had occupied the whole plain. In a short time they sur-
rounded us on every side, extending for several miles in the rear, and
forward, as far as the eye could reach, leaving around us as we ad-
vanced, an open space of only two or three hundred yards. This
movement of the bufifalo indicated to us the presence of Indians on
the North fork.
191
I halted earlier than usual, about forty miles from the junction,
and all hands were soon busily engaged in preparing a feast to cele-
brate the day. The kindness of our friends at St. Louis had provided
us with a large supply of excellent preserves and rich fruit cake; and
when these were added to a macaroni soup and variously prepared
dishes of the choicest buffalo meat, crowned with a cup of coffee,
and enjoyed with prairie appetite, we felt, as we sat in barbaric
luxury around our smoking supper on the grass, a greater sensation
of enjoyment than the Roman epicure at his perfumed feast. But
most of all it seemed to please our Indian friends, who in the unre-
strained enjoyment of the moment, demanded to know if our "med-
icine days came often." No restraint was exercised at the hospitable
board, and, to the great delight of his elders, our young Indian lad
made himself extremely drunk.
Our encampment was within a few miles of the place where the
road crosses to the North fork, and various reasons led me to divide
my party at this point. The North fork was the principal object of
my survey, but I was desirous to ascend the South branch, with a
view of obtaining some astronomical positions, and determining the
mouths of its tributaries as far as St. Vrain's fort, estimated to be
some two hundred miles further up the river, and near to Long's
peak. There I hoped to obtain some mules, which I found would be
necessary to relieve my horses. In a military point of view, I was
desirous to form some opinion of the country relative to the estab-
lishment of posts on a line connecting the settlements with the
South pass of the Rocky mountains, by way of the Arkansas, the
South and Laramie forks of the Platte. Crossing the country north-
westwardly from St. Vrain's fort, to the American company's fort at
the mouth of Laramie, would give me some acquaintance with the
affluents which head in the mountains between the two; I therefore
determined to set out the next morning, accompanied by Mr. Preuss
and four men. Maxwell, Bernier, Ayot, and Basil Lajeunesse. Our
Cheyennes, whose village lay up this river, also decided to accom-
pany us. The party I left in charge of Clement Lambert, with orders
to cross to the North fork ; and at some convenient place, near to the
Coulee des Frenes [Ash Hollow], make a cache of every thing not
absolutely necessary to the further progress of our expedition. From
this point, using the most guarded precaution in his march through
the country, he was to proceed to the American [Fur] company's fort
at the mouth of Laramie's fork, and await my arrival, which would
192
be prior to the 16th, as on that and the following night would occur
some occultations which I was desirous to obtain at that place.
July 5. — Before breakfast all was ready. We had one led horse in
addition to those we rode, and a pack mule, destined to carry our
instruments, provisions, and baggage; the last two articles not being
of very great weight. The instruments consisted of a sextant, artifi-
cial horizon, &c., a barometer, spy glass, and compass. The chronom-
eter I of course kept on my person. I had ordered the cook to put up
for us some flour, cofTee, and sugar, and our rifles were to furnish the
rest. One blanket, in addition to his saddle and saddle blanket, fur-
nished the materials for each man's bed, and every one was provided
with a change of linen. All were armed with rifles or double bar-
relled guns; and, in addition to these, Maxwell and myself were fur-
nished with excellent pistols. Thus accoutred, we took a parting
breakfast with our friends, and set forth.
Our journey the first day afforded nothing of any interest. We
shot a buffalo toward sunset, and having obtained some meat for our
evening meal, encamped where a little timber afforded us the means
of making a fire. Having disposed our meat on roasting sticks, we
proceeded to unpack our bales in search of coffee and sugar, and
flour for bread. With the exception of a little parched coffee, un-
ground, we found nothing. Our cook had neglected to put it up, or
it had been somehow forgotten. Tired and hungry, with tough bull
meat without salt, for we had not been able to kill a cow, and a little
bitter coffee, we sat down in silence to our miserable fare, a very
disconsolate party; for yesterday's feast was yet fresh in our mem-
ories, and this was our first brush with misfortune. Each man took
his blanket, and laid himself down silently; for the worst part of
these mishaps is, that they make people ill-humored. To-day we had
travelled about thirty-six miles.
]uly 6. — Finding that our present excursion would be attended
with considerable hardship, and unwilling to expose more persons
than necessary, I determined to send Mr. Preuss back to the party.
His horse, too, appeared in no condition to support the journey, and
accordingly, after breakfast, he took the road across the hills attended
by one of my most trusty men, Bernier. The ridge between the rivers
is here about fifteen miles broad, and I expected he would probably
strike the fork near their evening camp. At all events, he would not
fail to find their trail and rejoin them the next day.
We continued our journey, seven in number, including the three
b
193
Cheyennes. Our general course was southwest, up the valley of the
river, which was sandy, bordered on the northern side of the valley
by a low ridge, and on the south, after seven or eight miles, the river
hills became higher. Six miles from our resting place we crossed the
bed of a considerable stream, now entirely dry, a bed of sand. In a
grove of willows, near the mouth, were the remains of a considerable
fort, constructed of trunks of large trees. It was apparently very old,
and had probably been the scene of some hostile encounter among
the roving tribes. Its solitude formed an impressive contrast to the
picture which our imaginations involuntarily drew of the busy scene
which had been enacted here. The timber appeared to have been
much more extensive formerly than now. There were but few trees,
a kind of long-leaved willow, standing; and numerous trunks of
large trees were scattered about on the ground. In many similar
places I had occasion to remark an apparent progressive decay in the
timber. Ten miles farther we reached the mouth of Lodge Pole
creek,^^ a clear and handsome stream, running through a broad
valley. In its course through the bottom it has a uniform breadth of
twenty-two feet, and six inches in depth. A few willows on the
banks strike pleasantly on the eye, by their greenness, in the midst of
the hot and barren sands.
The amor p ha was frequent among the ravines, but the sunflower
{heUanthus) was the characteristic; and flowers of deep warm colors
seem most to love the sandy soil. The impression of the country
travelled over to-day was one of dry and barren sands. We turned in
towards the river at noon, and gave our horses two hours for food
and rest. I had no other thermometer than the one attached to the
barometer, which stood at 89°, the height of the column in the
barometer being 26.235, at meridian. The sky was clear, with a high
wind from the south. At 2, we continued our journey; the wind had
moderated, and it became almost unendurably hot, and our animals
suffered severely. In the course of the afternoon, the wind rose sud-
denly, and blew hard from the southwest, with thunder and light-
ning and squalls of rain ; these were blown against us with violence
by the wind, and, halting, we turned our backs to the storm until it
blew over. Antelope were tolerably frequent, with a large gray hare;
but the former were shy, and the latter hardly worth the delay of
16. Called Pole Creek on his map, but now Lodgepole Creek, entering the
South Platte from the north at Julesburg, Colo.
194
stopping to shoot them ; so, as the evening drew near, we again had
recourse to an old bull, and encamped at sunset on an island in the
Platte.
We ate our meat with good relish this evening, for we were all in
fine health, and had ridden nearly all of a long summer's day, with
a burning sun reflected from the sands. My companions slept rolled
up in their blankets, and the Indians lay in the grass near the fire,
but my sleeping place generally had an air of more pretension. Our
rifles were tied together near the muzzle, the butts resting on the
ground, and a knife laid on the rope, to cut away in case of an
alarm. Over this, which made a kind of frame, was thrown a large
India-rubber cloth, which we used to cover our packs. This made a
tent sufficiently large to receive about half of my bed, and was a
place of shelter for my instruments; and as I was careful always to
put this part against the wind, I could lie here with a sensation of
satisfied enjoyment, and hear the wind blow and the rain patter
close to my head, and know that I should be at least half dry. Cer-
tainly, I never slept more soundly. The barometer at sunset was
26.010, thermometer 81°, and cloudy; but a gale from the west
sprang up with the setting sun, and in a few minutes swept away
every cloud from the sky. The evening was very fine, and I re-
mained up to take some astronomical observations, which made our
position in latitude 40° 51' 17", and longitude 103° 35' 04".
]uly 7. — At our camp this morning, at 6 o'clock, the barometer was
at 26.183, thermometer 69°, and clear, with a light wind from the
southwest. The past night had been squally, with high winds, and
occasionally a few drops of rain. Our cooking did not occupy much
time, and we left camp early. Nothing of interest occurred during
the morning. The same dreary barrenness, except that a hard marly
clay had replaced the sandy soil. Buffalo absolutely covered the plain
on both sides of the river, and whenever we ascended the hills, scat-
tered herds gave life to the view in every direction. A small drove of
wild horses made their appearance on the low river bottoms, a mile
or two to the left, and I sent off one of the Indians (who seemed
very eager to catch one) on my led horse, a spirited and fleet animal.
The savage manoeuvred a little to get the wind of the horses, in
which he succeeded; approaching within a hundred yards without
being discovered. The chase for a few minutes was animated and in-
teresting. My hunter easily overtook and passed the hindmost of the
wild drove, which the Indian did not attempt to lasso; all his efforts
195
being directed to the capture of the leader. But the strength of the
horse, weakened by the insufficient nourishment of grass, failed in a
race, and all the drove escaped. We halted at noon on the bank of the
river, the barometer at that time being 26.192, and the thermometer
103°, with a light air from the south and clear weather.
In the course of the afternoon, dust rising among the hills at a
particular place, attracted our attention, and riding up we found
a band of eighteen or twenty buffalo bulls engaged in a desperate
fight. Though butting and goring were bestowed liberally and with-
out distinction, yet their efforts were evidently directed against one,
a huge gaunt old bull, very lean, while his adversaries were all fat
and in good order. He appeared very weak, and had already received
some wounds, and while we were looking on was several times
knocked down and badly hurt, and a very few moments would have
put an end to him. Of course we took the side of the weaker party,
and attacked the herd, but they were so blind with rage that they
fought on, utterly regardless of our presence, although on foot and
on horseback we were firing in open view within twenty yards of
them. But this did not last long. In a very few seconds we created a
commotion among them. One or two which were knocked over by
the balls jumped up and ran ofT into the hills, and they began to
retreat slowly along a broad ravine to the river, fighting furiously as
they went. By the time they had reached the bottom we had pretty
well dispersed them, and the old bull hobbled off, to lie down some-
where. One of his enemies remained on the ground where we had
first fired upon them, and we stopped there for a short time to cut
from him some meat for our supper. We had neglected to secure our
horses, thinking it an unnecessary precaution in their fatigued con-
dition; but our mule took it into his head to start, and away he went,
followed at full speed by the pack horse, with all the baggage and
instruments on his back. They were recovered and brought back,
after a chase of a mile. Fortunately every thing was well secured, so
that nothing, not even the barometer, was in the least injured.
The sun was getting low, and some narrow lines of timber four or
five miles distant, promised us a pleasant camp, where, with plenty
of wood for fire, and comfortable shelter, and rich grass for our
animals, we should find clear cool springs, instead of the warm water
of the Platte. On our arrival we found the bed of a stream fifty to
one hundred feet wide, sunk some thirty feet below the level of the
prairie, with perpendicular banks, bordered by a fringe of green
196
Cottonwood, but not a drop of water. There were several small forks
to the stream all in the same condition. With the exception of the
Platte bottom, the country seemed to be of a clay formation, dry, and
perfectly devoid of any moisture, and baked hard by the sun. Turn-
ing off towards the river, we reached the bank in about a mile, and
were delighted to find an old tree, with thick foliage and spreading
branches, where we encamped. At sunset, the barometer was at
25,950, thermometer 81°, with a strong wind from S. 20° E., and the
sky partially covered with heavy masses of cloud, which settled a
little towards the horizon by 10 o'clock, leaving it sufficiently clear
for astronomical observations, which placed us in latitude 40° 33' 26",
and longitude 104° 02' 13".
July 8. — The morning was very pleasant. The breeze was fresh
from S. 50° E. with few clouds; the barometer at 6 o'clock standing
at 25,970, and the thermometer at 70°. Since leaving the forks, our
route had passed over a country alternately clay and sand, each pre-
senting the same naked waste. On leaving camp this morning, we
struck again a sandy region, in which the vegetation appeared some-
what more vigorous than that which we had observed for the last few
days, and on the opposite side of the river were some tolerably large
groves of timber.
Journeying along, we came suddenly upon a place where the
ground was covered with horses' tracks, which had been made since
the rain, and indicated the immediate presence of Indians in our
neighborhood. The bufFalo, too, which the day before had been so
numerous, were nowhere in sight, another sure indication that there
were people near. Riding on, we discovered the carcass of a buffalo
recently killed, perhaps the day before. We scanned the horizon
carefully with the glass, but no living object was to be seen. For the
next mile or two the ground was dotted with buffalo carcasses,
which showed that the Indians had made a surround here, and were
in considerable force. We went on quickly and cautiously, keeping
the river bottom, and carefully avoiding the hills; but we met with
no interruption, and began to grow careless again. We had already
lost one of our horses, and here Basil's mule showed symptoms of
giving out, and finally refused to advance, being what the Canadians
call reste. He therefore dismounted, and drove her along before him,
but this was a very slow way of travelling. We had inadvertently got
about half a mile in advance, but our Cheyennes, who were gener-
ally a mile or two in the rear, remained with him. There were some
197
dark looking objects among the hills, about two miles to the left,
here low and undulating, which we had seen for a little time, and
supposed to be buffalo coming in to water; but happening to look
behind, Maxwell saw the Cheyennes whipping up furiously, and an-
other glance at the dark objects showed them at once to be Indians
coming up at speed.
Had we been well mounted and disencumbered of instruments,
we might have set them at defiance, but as it was, we were fairly
caught. It was too late to rejoin our friends, and we endeavored to
gain a clump of timber about half a mile ahead; but the instruments
and the tired state of our horses did not allow us to go faster than a
steady canter, and they were gaining on us fast. At first they did not
appear to be more than fifteen or twenty in number, but group after
group darted into view at the top of the hills, until all the little
eminences seemed in motion, and in a few minutes from the time
they were first discovered, two or three hundred, naked to the
breech cloth, were sweeping across the prairie. In a few hundred
yards we discovered that the timber we were endeavoring to make
was on the opposite side of the river, and before we could reach the
bank, down came the Indians upon us.
I am inclined to think that in a few seconds more the leading
man, and perhaps, some of his companions, would have rolled in the
dust, for we had jerked the covers from our guns, and our fingers
were on the triggers ; men in such cases generally act from instinct,
and a charge from three hundred naked savages is a circumstance
not well calculated to promote a cool exercise of judgment. Just as he
was about to fire. Maxwell recognized the leading Indian, and
shouted to him in the Indian language. You're a fool, God damn
you, don't you know me ? The sound of his own language seemed to
shock the savage, and, swerving his horse a little, he passed us like
an arrow. He wheeled, as I rode out toward him, and gave me his
hand, striking his breast and exclaiming, Arapaho! They proved to
be a village of that nation among whom Maxwell had resided as a
trader a year or two previously, and recognized him accordingly. We
were soon in the midst of the band, answering as well as we could
a multitude of questions, of which the very first was, of what tribe
were our Indian companions who were coming in the rear? They
seemed disappointed to know that they were Cheyennes, for they
had fully anticipated a grand dance around a Pawnee scalp that
night.
198
The chief showed us his village at a grove on the river six miles
ahead, and pointed out a band of Buffalo, on the other side of the
Platte immediately opposite us, which he said they were going to
surround. They had seen the band early in the morning from their
village, and had been making a large circuit to avoid giving them
the wind, when they discovered us. In a few minutes the women
came galloping up, astride on their horses, and naked from their
knees down, and the hips up. They followed the men to assist in cut-
ting up and carrying ofif the meat.
The wind was blowing directly across the river, and the chief re-
quested us to halt where we were, for a while, in order to avoid rais-
ing the herd. We, therefore, unsaddled our horses, and sat down on
the bank to view the scene, and our new acquaintances rode a few
hundred yards lower down, and began crossing the river. Scores of
wild looking dogs followed, looking like troops of wolves, and hav-
ing, in fact, but very little of the dog in their composition. Some of
them remained with us, and I checked one of the men, whom I
found aiming at one, which he was about to kill for a wolf. The day
had become very hot. The air was clear, with a very slight breeze, and
now, at twelve o'clock, while the barometer stood at 25.920, the at-
tached thermometer was at 108°. Our Cheyennes had learned that
with the Arapaho village, were about twenty lodges of their own, in-
cluding their own families; they, therefore, immediately commenced
making their toilette. After bathing in the river, they invested them-
selves in some handsome calico shirts, which I afterward learned they
had stolen from my own men, and spent some time in arranging their
hair and painting themselves with some vermillion I had given
them. While they were engaged in this satisfactory manner, one of
their half wild horses, to which the crowd of prancing animals
which had just passed had recalled the freedom of her existence
among the wild droves on the prairie, suddenly dashed into the hills
at the top of her speed. She was their pack horse, and had on her
back all the worldly wealth of our poor Cheyennes, all their ac-
coutrements, and all the little articles which they had picked up
among us, with some few presents I had given them. The loss which
they seemed to regret most were their spears and shields, and some
tobacco which they had received from me. However, they bore it all
with the philosophy of an Indian, and laughingly continued their
toilette. They appeared, however, a little mortified at the thought of
returning to the village in such a sorry plight. "Our people will
199
laugh at us," said one of them, "returning to the village on foot, in-
stead of driving back a drove of Pawnee horses." He demanded to
know if I loved my sorrel hunter very much, to which I replied he
was the object of my most intense affection. Far from being able to
give, I was myself in want of horses, and any suggestion of parting
with the few I had valuable, was met with peremptory refusal. In
the mean time the slaughter was about to commence on the other
side. So soon as they reached it, the Indians separated into two
bodies. One party proceeded directly across the prairie toward the
hills in an extended line, while the other went up the river; and in-
stantly as they had given the wind to the herd, the chase commenced.
The buffalo started for the hills, but were intercepted and driven
back toward the river, broken and running in every direction. The
clouds of dust soon covered the whole scene, preventing us from hav-
ing any but an occasional view. It had a very singular appearance to
us at a distance, especially when looking with the glass. We were too
far to hear the report of the guns, or any sound, and at every instant,
through the clouds of dust which the sun made luminous, we could
see for a moment two or three buffalo dashing along, and close be-
hind them an Indian with his long spear, or other weapon, and
instantly again they disappeared. The apparent silence, and the
dimly seen figures flitting by with such rapidity, gave it a kind of
dreamy effect, and seemed more like a picture than a scene of real
life. It had been a large herd when the cevfie commenced, probably
three or four hundred in number; but, though I watched them
closely, I did not see one emerge from the fatal cloud where the
work of destruction was going on. After remaining here about an
hour, we resumed our journey in the direction of the village.
Gradually, as we rode on, Indian after Indian came dropping
along, laden with meat; and by the time we had neared the lodges,
the backward road was covered with the returning horsemen. It was
a pleasant contrast with the desert road we had been travelling. Sev-
eral had joined company with us, and one of the chiefs invited us to
his lodge. The village consisted of about one hundred and twenty-
five lodges, of which twenty were Cheyennes; the latter pitched a
little apart from the Arapahoes. They were disposed in a scattering
manner on both sides of a broad irregular street, about one hundred
and fifty feet wide, and running along the river. As we rode along,
I remarked near some of the lodges a kind of tripod frame, formed of
200
three slender poles of birch, scraped very clean, to which were affixed
the shield and spear, with some other weapons of a chief. All were
scrupulously clean, the spear head was burnished bright, and the
shield white and stainless. It reminded me of the days of feudal
chivalry; and when as I rode by I yielded to the passing impulse,
and touched some of the spotless shields with the muzzle of my
gun, I almost expected a grim warrior to start from the lodge and
resent my challenge. The master of the lodge spread out a robe for
me to sit upon, and the squaws set before us a large wooden dish of
buffalo meat. He had lit his pipe in the meanwhile, and when it had
been passed around, we commenced our dinner while he continued
to smoke. Gradually, five or six other chiefs came in, and took their
seats in silence. When we had finished, our host asked a number of
questions relative to the object of our journey, of which I made no
concealment; telling him simply that I had made a visit to see the
country, preparatory to the establishment of military posts on the
way to the mountains. Although this was information of the highest
interest to them, and by no means calculated to please them, it ex-
cited no expression of surprise, and in no way altered the grave
courtesy of their demeanor. The others listened and smoked. I re-
marked, that in taking the pipe for the first time, each had turned
the stem upward, with a rapid glance, as in offering to the Great
Spirit, before he put it in his mouth. A storm had been gathering
for the past hour, and some pattering drops on the lodge warned us
that we had some miles to our camp. Some Indian had given Max-
well a bundle of dried meat, which was very acceptable, as we had
nothing, and, springing upon our horses, we rode off at dusk in the
face of a cold shower and driving wind. We found our companions
under some densely foliaged old trees, about three miles up the
river. Under one of them lay the trunk of a large cottonwood, to
leeward of which the man had kindled a fire, and we sat here and
roasted our meat in tolerable shelter. Nearly opposite was the mouth
of one of the most considerable affluents of the South fork, la
Fourche aux Castors (Beaver fork)/' heading off in the ridge to
the southeast.
]uly 9. — This morning we caught the first faint glimpse of the
Rocky Mountains, about sixty miles distant. Though a tolerably
17. Beaver Creek, entering from the south near Brush, Colo.
201
bright day, there was a sHght mist, and we were just able to discern
the snowy summit of "Long's peak," {"les deux oreilles" of the
Canadians,) showing like a small cloud near the horizon. I found
it easily distinguishable, there being a perceptible difference in its
appearance from the white clouds that were floating about the sky.
I was pleased to find that among the traders and voyageurs the
name of "Long's peak" had been adopted and become familiar in
the country.^^ In the ravines near this place, a light brown sandstone
made its first appearance. About 8, we discerned several persons on
horseback a mile or two ahead on the opposite side of the river.
They turned in towards the river, and we rode down to meet them.
We found them to be two white men, and a mulatto named Jim
Beckwith,^^ who had left St. Louis when a boy, and gone to live
with the Crow Indians. He had distinguished himself among them
by some acts of daring bravery, and had risen to the rank of a chief,
but had now, for some years, left them. They were in search of a
band of horses that had gone ofif from a camp some miles above, in
charge of Mr. Chabonard.^" Two of them continued down the river,
in search of the horses, and the American turned back with us, and
we rode on towards the camp. About eight miles from our sleeping
place we reached Bijou's fork [Bijou Creek], an affluent of the right
bank. Where we crossed it, a short distance from the Platte, it has a
sandy bed about four hundred yards broad; the water in various
small streams, a few inches deep. Seven miles further brought us to
18. Long's Peak in north central Colorado is, at 14,255 feet, the highest
peak in the Rocky Mountain National Park. It is named for Stephen H. Long,
whose 1820 expedition to the Rockies was the second U.S. Army reconnais-
sance (the first was Zebulon Pike's in 1806-7) of that general region.
19. James P. Beckwourth (1798-1866) lived among the Crows from about
1829 to 1831, then traded among them for the American Fur Company. He
operated on the Upper Missouri until 28 June 1836, when F. A. Chardon
reported his departure from Fort Clark at the Mandan villages. He was trad-
ing on the upper Arkansas and South Platte when JCF encountered him.
20. Jean Baptiste Charbonneau (1805-66), son of Toussaint Charbonneau
and his Shoshoni wife Sacagawea, had accompanied his mother and father on
the Lewis and Clark expedition as a child, starting at the Mandan villages.
After the expedition, William Clark undertook to educate young Jean Bap-
tiste, and there are records of Clark's involvement as late as 1820. After a stay
in Europe (1823-29) with Prince Paul, Duke of Wiirttemburg, he returned
to the West and became an employee of various fur companies. In 1843, he
would accompany Sir William Drummond Stewart part way to the Rockies,
and in 1846 help guide the Mormon Battalion across New Mexico and
Arizona (a. hafen [1]; anderson, 283-88).
202
a camp of some four or five whites, New Englanders, I believe,
who had accompanied Captain Wyeth^^ to the Columbia river, and
were independent trappers. All had their squaws with them, and
I was really surprised at the number of little fat buffalo-fed boys,
that were tumbling about the camp, all apparently of the same age,
about three or four years old. They were encamped on a rich bot-
tom, covered with a profusion of fine grass, and had a large number
of fine-looking horses and mules. We rested with them a few min-
utes, and in about two miles arrived at Chabonard's camp, on an
island in the Platte. On the heights above, we met the first Spaniard
I had seen in the country. Mr. Chabonard was in the service of Bent
and St. Vrain's company, and had left their fort some forty or fifty
miles above, in the spring, with boats laden with the furs of the last
year's trade. He had met the same fortune as the voyageurs on the
North fork, and finding it impossible to proceed, had taken up his
summer's residence on this island, which he had named St. Helena.
The river hills appeared to be composed entirely of sand, and the
Platte had lost the muddy character of its waters, and here was tol-
erably clear. From the mouth of the South fork, I had found it oc-
casionally broken up by small islands, and at the time of our
journey, which was at a season of the year when the waters were
at a favorable stage, it was not navigable for anything drawing six
inches water. The current was very swift — the bed of the stream a
coarse gravel.
From the place at which we had encountered the Arapahoes, the
Platte had been tolerably well fringed with timber, and the island
here had a fine grove of very large cottonwoods, under whose broad
shade the tents were pitched. There was a large drove of horses in
the opposite prairie bottom; smoke was rising from the scattered
fires, and the encampment had quite a patriarchal air. Mr. C. re-
ceived us hospitably. One of the people was sent to gather mint,
with the aid of which he concocted very good julep; and some
boiled buffalo tongue, and cofTee with the luxury of sugar, were soon
set before us. The people in his employ were generally Spaniards,
and among them I saw a young Spanish woman from Taos, whom
I found to be Beckwith's wife.
21. Capt. Nathaniel Jarvis Wyeth (1802-56), the builder of Fort William
at the mouth of the Willamette and Fort Hall on the Snake River in Idaho,
had made two overland journeys to Oregon and had done much to publicize
the region.
203
I
]uly 10. — We parted with our hospitable host after breakfast the
next morning, and reached St. Vrain's fort,"" about forty-five miles
from St. Helena, late in the evening. The post is situated on the
South fork of the Platte, immediately under the mountains, about
seventeen miles east of Long's peak. It is on the right bank, on the
verge of the upland prairie, about forty feet above the river, of
which the immediate valley is about six hundred yards wide. The
stream is divided into various branches by small islands, among
which it runs with a swift current. The bed of the river is sand and
gravel, the water very clear, and here may be called a mountain
stream. This region appears to be entirely free from the limestones
and marls which give to the lower Platte its yellow and dirty color.
The Black hills""^ lie between the stream and the mountains, whose
snowy peaks glitter a few miles beyond. At the fort we found Mr.
St. Vrain,"^ who received us with much kindness and hospitality.
Maxwell had spent the last two or three years between this post
and the village of Taos, and here he was at home and among his
friends. Spaniards frequently came over in search of employment,
and several came in shortly after our arrival. They usually obtain
about six dollars a month, generally paid to them in goods. They
are very useful in a camp in taking care of horses and mules, and I
engaged one, who proved to be an active, laborious man, and was
of very considerable service to me."^ The elevation of the Platte here
is 5,400 feet above the sea. The neighboring mountains did not ap-
pear to enter far the region of perpetual snow, which was generally
confined to the northern side of the peaks. On the southern I re-
marked very little. Here it appeared, so far as I could judge in the
22. Fort St. Vrain, about twelve miles below the mouth of St. Vrain Creek,
was first called Fort Lookout and was also sometimes called Fort George. It
was probably completed after 1837 and closed in 1845, although Bent, St.
Vrain & Co. made temporary and seasonal use of it for several years (carter
[2]).
23. Dale L. Morgan has suggested, and the matter is worth further study,
that JCF conceived of this entire area from Fort Laramie south to the Cache
la Poudre as comprising a general range of "Black Hills." (There are other
formations bearing this name, of course, such as those in South Dakota.) For
support of Morgan's suggestion, see Map 2 in the Portfolio, showing such a
range extending on as far as the Red Buttes.
24. Marcellin St. Vrain (1815-71), younger brother of the better known
Ceran St. Vrain, had taken charge of the fort about 1837 (carter [2]).
25. This is the man listed in the vouchers as Osea Harmiyo | Jose Armijo],
who continued on with the exploring party.
204
distance, to descend but a few hundred feet below the summits.
I regretted that time did not permit me to visit them; but the
proper object of my survey lay among the mountains further north;
and I looked forward to an exploration of their snowy recesses with
great pleasure. The piney region of the mountains to the south was
enveloped in smoke, and I was informed had been on fire for several
months. Pike's peak is said to be visible from this place, about 100
miles to the southward, but the smoky state of the atmosphere pre-
vented my seeing it. The weather continued overcast during my stay
here, so that I failed in determining the latitude, but obtained good
observation for time on the mornings of the 11th and 12th. An
assumed latitude of 40° 22' 30" from the evening position of the
12th, enabled me to obtain, for a tolerably correct longitude, 105°
45' ir.
July 12.— The kindness of Mr. St. Vrain had enabled me to obtain
a couple of horses and three good mules, and, with a further addi-
tion to our party of the Spaniard whom I had hired, and two others,
who were going to obtain service at Laramie's fork, we resumed our
journey at 10, on the morning of the 12th. We had been able to pro-
cure nothing at the post in the way of provision. An expected supply
from Taos had not yet arrived, and a few pounds of coffee was all
that could be spared to us. In addition to this, we had dried meat
enough for the first day; on the next we expected to find bufTalo.
From this post, according to the estimate of the country, the fort
at the mouth of Laramie's fork, which was our next point of des-
tination, was nearly due north, distant about one hundred and
twenty-five miles.
For a short distance, our road lay down the valley of the Platte;
which resembled a garden in the splendor of fields of varied flowers,
which filled the air with fragrance. The only timber I noticed con-
sisted of poplar, birch [alder], cotton wood, and willow. In some-
thing less than three miles, we crossed Thompson's creek [Thomp-
son River], one of the affluents to the left bank of the South fork,
a fine stream about sixty-five feet wide and three feet deep. Journey-
ing on, the low dark line of the Black hills lying between us and
the mountains to the leit, in about ten miles from the fort, we
reached Cache a la Poudre [River], where we halted to noon. This
is a very beautiful mountain stream, about one hundred feet wide,
flowing with a full swift current over a rocky bed. We halted under
the shade of some cottonwoods, with which the stream is wooded
205
I
scatteringly. In the upper part of its course, it runs amid the wildest
mountain scenery, and breaking through the Black Hills falls into
the Platte about ten miles below this place. In the course of our
late journey, I had managed to become the possessor of a very untrac-
table mule, a perfect vixen, and her I had turned over to my Span-
iard. It occupied us about half an hour to-day to get the saddle upon
her; but, once on her back Jose could not be dismounted, realizing
the accounts given of Mexican horses and horsemanship; and we
continued our route in the afternoon.
At evening, we encamped on Crow (?) creek, having travelled
about twenty-eight miles. None of the party were well acquainted
with the country, and I had great difficulty in ascertaining what were
the names of the streams we crossed between the North and South
forks of the Platte. This I supposed to be Crow creek."^ It is
what is called a salt stream, and the water stands in pools, having
no continuous course. A fine grained sandstone made its appearance
in the banks. The observations of the night placed us in a latitude
40° 42', longitude 105° 33' 27". The barometer at sunset was 25.231 ;
attached thermometer at 66°. Sky clear, except in the east, with a
light wind from the north.
July 13. — There being no wood here, we used last night the bois
de vache, which is very plentiful. At our camp this morning, the
barometer was at 25.235, the attached thermometer 60°. A few
clouds were moving through a deep blue sky, with a light wind
from the west. After a ride of twelve miles, in a northerly direction,
over a plain covered with innumerable quantities of cacti, we
reached a small creek in which there was water, and where several
herds of buffalo were scattered about among the ravines, which
always afford good pasturage. We seem now to be passing along
the base of a plateau of the Black hills, in which the formation con-
sists of marls, some of them white and laminated, the country to the
left rising suddenly, and falling off gradually and uniformly to the
right. In five or six miles of a northeasterly course, we struck a high
26. Not likely. To reach Crow Creek in one day, by the route they are
taking, they must travel to the latitude of Cheyenne, Wyo. — an impossible
distance. JCF's own reading of latitude is of no help, putting him in the
neighborhood of Thompson River. Until he strikes the North Platte, we shall
have no clear indication of his location. He is traveling north by northeast,
across Crow, Lodgepole, and Horse creeks, and through the Goshen Hole
country of Goshen County, Wyo.
206
ridge, broken into conical peaks, on whose summits large boulders
were gathered in heaps. The magnetic direction of the ridge is
northwest and southeast, the glittering white of its precipitous sides
making it visible for many miles to the south. It is composed of a
soft earthy limestone, and marls resembling that hereafter described,
in the neighborhood of the Chimney Rock, on the North fork of
the Platte, easily worked by the winds and rains, and sometimes
moulded into very fantastic shapes. At the foot of the northern slope
was the bed of a creek some forty feet wide, coming by frequent
falls from the bench above. It was shut in by high perpendicular
banks, in which were strata of white laminated marl. Its bed was
perfectly dry, and the leading feature of the whole region is one of
remarkable aridity, and perfect freedom from moisture. In about
six miles we crossed the bed of another dry creek; and continuing
our ride over a high level prairie, a little before sundown we came
suddenly upon a beautiful creek, which revived us with a feeling of
delighted surprise by the pleasant contrast of the deep verdure of its
banks, with the parched desert we had passed. We had suffered
much to-day, both men and horses, for want of water; having met
with it but once in our uninterrupted march of forty miles, and an
exclusive meat diet creates much thirst.
"Las bestias tiene?i mucha hambre," said the young Spaniard, in-
quiringly; "y la gente tambien," said I, "amigo, we'll camp here."
A stream of good and clear water ran winding about through the
little valley, and a herd of buffalo were quietly feeding a little dis-
tance below. It was quite a hunter's paradise; and while some ran
down toward the band to kill one for supper, others collected bois
de vache for a fire, there being no wood ; and I amused myself with
hunting for plants among the grass.
It will be seen, by occasional remarks on the geological forma-
tion, that the constituents of the soil in these regions are good, and
every day served to strengthen the impression in my mind, con-
firmed by subsequent observation, that the barren appearance of the
country, is due almost entirely to the extreme dryness of the climate.
Along our route, the country had seemed to increase constantly in
elevation. According to the indication of the barometer, we were
at our encampment, 5,440 feet above the sea.
The evening was very clear, with a fresh breeze from the south,
50° east. The barometer at sunset was 24.862, the thermometer at-
tached showing 68°. I supposed this to be a fork of Lodge Pole
207
creek, so far as I could determine from our uncertain means of in-
formation. Astronomical observations gave for the camp a longitude
of 105° 13' 38", and latitude 41° 08' 31".
July 14. — The wind continued fresh from the same quarter in the
morning, the day being clear vi^ith the exception of a few clouds in
the horizon. At our camp at six o'clock, the height of the barometer
was 24.830, the attached thermometer 61°. Our course this morning
was directly north, by compass, the variation being 15° or 16° east-
erly. A ride of four miles brought us to Lodge Pole creek, which we
had seen at its mouth on the South fork; crossing on the way two
dry streams, in eighteen miles from our encampment of the past
night, we reached a high bleak ridge, composed entirely of the same
earthy limestone and marl previously described. I had never seen
anything which impressed so strongly on my mind a feeling of
desolation. The valley through which ran the waters of Horse creek,
lay in view to the north, but too far to have any influence on the im-
mediate view. On the peak of the ridge where I was standing, some
six or seven hundred feet above the river, the wind was high and
bleak ; the barren and arid country seemed as if it had been swept by
fires, and in every direction the same dull ash-colored hue, derived
from the formation, met the eye. On the summits were some stunted
pines, many of them dead, all wearing the same ashen hue of desola-
tion.^^ We left the place with pleasure; and after we had descended
several hundred feet, halted in one of the ravines, which, at the dis-
tance of every mile or two, cut the flanks of the ridge with little
rushing streams, wearing something of a mountain character. We
had already begun to exchange the comparatively barren lands for
those of a more fertile character. Though the sandstone formed the
broken banks of the creek, yet they were covered with a thin grass;
and the fifty or sixty feet which formed the bottom land of the little
stream, was clothed with very luxuriant grass, among which I re-
marked willow and cherry, {cerasus virginiana;) and a quantity of
gooseberry and currant bushes occupied the greater part.
The creek was three or four feet broad, and about six inches deep,
with a swift current of clear water, and tolerably cool. We had
27. Deleted from the manuscript draft at this point: "It gave a body to the
foetid creations of the internal Regions, & the poet's words come strongly to
my mind."
208
struck it too low down to find the cold water, which we should have
enjoyed nearer to its sources. At 2 P. M., the barometer was at 25.050,
the attached thermometer 104°. A day of hot sunshine, with clouds,
and a moderate breeze from the south. Continuing down the stream,
in about four miles we reached its mouth, at one of the main
branches of Horse creek. Looking back upon the ridge, whose direc-
tion appeared to be a little to the north of east, we saw it seamed at
frequent intervals with the dark lines of wooded streams, affluents
of the river that flowed so far as we could see along its base. We
crossed, in the space of twelve miles from our noon halt, three or
four forks of Horse creek, and encamped at sunset on the most
easterly.
The fork on which we encamped appeared to have followed an
easterly direction up to this place; but here it makes a very sudden
bend to the north, passing between two ranges of precipitous hills,
called, as I was informed, Goshen's hole. There is somewhere in or
near this locality a place so called, but I am not certain that it was
the place of our encampment. Looking back upon the spot, at the
distance of a few miles to the northward, the hills appear to shut in
the prairie, through which runs the creek, with a semi-circular
sweep, which might very naturally be called a hole in the hills. The
geological composition of the ridge is the same which constitutes the
rock of the Court-house and Chimney on the North fork, which
appeared to me a continuation of this ridge. The winds and rains
work this formation into a variety of singular forms. The pass into
Goshen's hole is about two miles wide, and the hill on the western
side imitates, in an extraordinary manner, a massive fortified place,
with a remarkable fulness of detail. The rock is marl and earthy
limestone, white, without the least appearance of vegetation, and
much resembles masonry at a little distance; and here it sweeps
around a level area two or three hundred yards in diameter, and in
the form of a half moon, terminating on either extremity in enor-
mous bastions. Along the whole line of the parapets appear domes
and slender minarets, forty or fifty feet high, giving it every appear-
ance of an old fortified town. On the waters of White river, where
this formation exists in great extent, it presents appearances which
excite the admiration of the solitary voyageur, and form a frequent
theme of their conversation when speaking of the wonders of the
country. Sometimes it offers the perfectly illusive appearances of a
209
I
large city, with numerous streets and magnificent buildings, among
which the Canadians never fail to see their cabaret; and sometimes
it takes the form of a solitary house, with many large chambers, into
which they drive their horses at night, and sleep in these natural
defences perfectly secure from any attack of prowling savages. Be-
fore reaching our camp at Goshen's hole, in crossing the immense
detritus at the foot of the Castle rock, we were involved amidst
winding passages cut by the waters of the hill; and where, with a
breadth scarcely large enough for the passage of a horse, the walls
rise thirty and forty feet perpendicularly. This formation supplies
the discoloration of the Platte. At sunset, the height of the mercurial
column was 25.500, the attached thermometer 80°, and wind mod-
erate from S. 38° E. Clouds covered the sky with the rise of the
moon, but I succeeded in obtaining the usual astronomical observa-
tions, which placed us in latitude 41° 40' 13'', and longitude 104°
59' 23".
]uly 15. — At 6 this morning, the barometer was at 25.515, the
thermometer 72°, the day was fine, with some clouds looking dark
on the south, with a fresh breeze from the same quarter. We found
that in our journey across the country we had kept too much to the
eastward. This morning accordingly we travelled by compass some
15 or 20° to the west of north, and struck the Platte some thirteen
miles below Fort Laramie. The day was extremely hot, and among
the hills the wind seemed to have just issued from an oven. Our
horses were much distressed, as we had travelled hard, and it was
with some difficulty that they were all brought to the Platte; which
we reached at 1 o'clock. In riding in towards the river, we found the
trail of our carts, which appeared to have passed a day or two since.
After having allowed our animals two hours for food and repose,
we resumed our journey, and towards the close of the day came in
sight of Laramie's fork. Issuing from the river hills, we came first
in view of Fort Platte,"^ a post belonging to Messrs. Sybille, Adams &
Co., situated immediately in the point of land at the junction of
Laramie with the Platte. Like the post we had visited on the South
fork, it was built of earth, and still unfinished, being enclosed with
walls, or rather houses, on three of the sides, and open on the fourth
to the river. A few hundred yards brought us in view of the post
28. Fort Platte, at the confluence of the Laramie and the North Platte, was
built in 1841 by Lancaster P. Lupton, sold in the spring of 1842 to Sibille &
Adams, and abandoned in 1845.
210
29
of the American Fur Company, called Fort John, or Laramie.
This was a large post, having more the air of military construction
than the fort at the mouth of the river. It is on the left bank, on
a rising ground some twenty-five feet above the water; and its
lofty walls, whitewashed and picketed, with the large bastions at the
angles, gave it quite an imposing appearance in the uncertain light
of evening. A cluster of lodges, which the language told us belonged
to Sioux Indians, was pitched under the walls, and, with the fine
back ground of the Black Hills and the prominent peak of Laramie
mountain, strongly drawn in the clear light of the western sky,
where the sun had already set, the whole formed at the moment
a strikingly beautiful picture. From the company at St. Louis I had
letters for Mr. Boudeau,^" the gentleman in charge of the post, by
whom I was received with great hospitality and an efficient kindness,
which was invaluable to me during my stay in the country. I found
our people encamped on the bank, a short distance above the fort.
All were well, and in the enjoyment of a bountiful supper, which
cofiFee and bread made luxurious to us, we soon forgot the fatigues
of the last ten days.
July 16. — I found that, during my absence, the situation of affairs
had undergone some change; and the usual quiet and somewhat
monotonous regularity of the camp had given place to excitement
and alarm. The circumstances which occasioned this change will be
found narrated in the following extract from the journal of Mr.
29. William Marshall Anderson provides an eye-witness account of the
establishment of Fort Laramie's predecessor, Fort William. It was founded in
1834 by William L. Sublette (of Sublette & Campbell) and was named both
for Sublette and his guest, Anderson. The fort was known for a while as Fort
Lucien after its sale in 1835 to [Lucien] Fontenelle, Fitzpatrick & Co., but
the name Fort William hung on. After the American Fur Company took over
the interests of the owners, it was rebuilt as an adobe structure and renamed
Fort John. It probably was rebuilt on the same site, though this has not yet
been determined archeologically. As JCF indicates, the name Laramie was also
in use, and when the Army purchased the structure in 1849 it officially became
Fort Laramie. There are many accounts of the post and its history, including
JCF's description, p. 218. For William Marshall Anderson's account of its
founding as Fort William, see anderson, 35 and passim.
30. James Bordeaux (1814-78), fur trader and interpreter, had come to
the Platte region from Fort Pierre where he had worked for the American
Fur Company. He served more than once as bourgeois at Fort Laramie, and
operated a number of trading posts in the area (trenholm; j. d. mc dermott
[I])-
211
Preuss, which commences with the day of our separation on the
South fork of the Platte.
31
Extract from the Journal of Mr. Preuss^
"July 6. — We crossed the plateau or highland between the two
forks in about six hours. I let my horse go slow as he liked, to in-
demnify us both for the previous hardship; and about noon we
reached the North fork. There was no sign that our party had
passed ; we rode, therefore, to some pine trees, unsaddled the horses,
and stretched our limbs on the grass, awaiting the arrival of our
company. After remaining here two hours, my companion [Ber-
nier] became impatient, mounted his horse again, and rode off down
the river to see if he could discover our people. I felt so marode
[sic] yet, that it was a horrible idea to me to bestride that saddle
again, so I lay still. I knew they could not come any other way, and
then my companion, one of the best men of the company, would not
abandon me. The sun went down; he did not come; uneasy I did
not feel, but very hungry; I had no provisions, but I could make a
fire; and as I espied two doves in a tree, I tried to kill one; but it
needs a better marksman than myself to kill a little bird with a
rifle. I made a large fire, however, lighted my pipe — this true friend
of mine in every emergency — laid down, and let my thoughts wan-
der to the far East. It was not many minutes after when I heard the
tramp of a horse, and my faithful companion was by my side. He
had found the party, who had been delayed by making their cache,
about seven miles below. To the good supper which he brought with
him I did ample justice. He had forgotten salt, and I tried the sol-
dier's substitute in time of war, and used gunpowder; but it answered
badly — bitter enough, but no flavor of kitchen salt,^^ I slept well;
31. Preuss apparently produced two accounts, at least for this period. His
principal journal covering all his travels with JCF, the original manuscript
of which is in DLC and available in translation (preuss), is quite different
for his journey to Fort Laramie. His editors conjecture that Preuss simply
gave JCF the information to cover his trip, and that JCF wrote the "abstract"
to harmonize with the rest of his report. This is quite probably true.
32. In his "other" account, Preuss is in his usual dour and ungrateful mood:
"After we had walked back to the cedar tree, he exhibited his wares: meat,
tongue, bread, and the remainder of Fremont's Fourth of July keg. What a
joy, what a delight! Yet a person is never satisfied. When I was eating I
thought that those people could have sent along a little salt if they had had
anything of a cultured taste" (preuss, 20).
212
and was only disturbed by two owls, which were attracted by the
fire, and took their place in the tree under which we slept. Their
music seemed as disagreeable to my companion as to myself; he
fired his rifle twice, and then they let us alone.
"]uly 7. — At about 10 o'clock, the party arrived; and we contin-
ued our journey through a country which offered but little to in-
terest the traveller. The soil was much more sandy than in the valley
below the confluence of the forks, and the face of the country no
longer presented the refreshing green which had hitherto character-
ized it. The rich grass was now found only in dispersed spots, on
low grounds, and on the bottom land of the streams. A long
drought, joined to extreme heat, had so parched up the upper
prairies, that they were in many places bald, or covered only with
a thin growth of yellow and poor grass. The nature of the soil ren-
ders it extremely susceptible to the vicissitudes of the climate. Be-
tween the forks, and from their junction to the Black Hills, the
formation consists of marl and a soft earthy limestone, with granitic
sandstone. Such a formation cannot give rise to a sterile soil; and on
our return in September, when the country had been watered by
frequent rains, the valley of the Platte looked like a garden; so rich
was the verdure of the grasses, and so luxuriant the bloom of abun-
dant flowers. The wild sage begins to make its appearance, and
timber is so scarce that we generally made our fires of the bois de
vache. With the exception of now and then an isolated tree or two,
standing like a light-house on the river bank, there is none what-
ever to be seen.^^
"]uly 8. — Our road to-day was a solitary one. No game made its
appearance, not even a bufiFalo or a stray antelope; and nothing oc-
curred to break the monotony until about 5 o'clock, when the cara-
van made a sudden halt. There was a galloping in of scouts and
horsemen from every side — a hurrying to and fro in noisy con-
fusion; rifles were taken from their cover; bullet pouches examined:
in short, there was the cry of "Indians," heard again. I had become
so much accustomed to these alarms, that now they made but little
impression on me; and, before I had time to become excited, the
new comers were ascertained to be whites. It was a large party
of traders and trappers, conducted by Mr. Bridger, a man well
33. The entry for this day in his published diary reads only: "Nothing new
under this sun" (preuss, 20).
213
known in the history of the country.^* As the sun was low, and there
was a fine grass patch not far ahead, they turned back and encamped
for the night with us, Mr. Bridger was invited to supper; and, after
the table cloth was removed, we listened with eager interest to an
account of their adventures. What they had met, we would be likely
to encounter; the chances which had befallen them, would prob-
ably happen to us; and we looked upon their life as a picture of
our own. He informed us that the condition of the country had be-
come exceedingly dangerous. The Sioux, who had been badly dis-
posed, had broken out into open hostility, and in the preceding
autumn his party had encountered them in a severe engagement,
in which a number of lives had been lost on both sides. United with
the Cheyenne and Gros Ventre Indians, they were scouring the up-
per country in war parties of great force, and were at this time in
the neighborhood of the Red Buttes, a famous landmark, which was
directly on our path. They had declared war upon every liv-
ing thing which should be found westward of that point; though
their main object was to attack a large camp of whites and Snake
Indians, who had a rendezvous in the Sweet Water valley. Availing
himself of his intimate knowledge of the country, he had reached
Laramie by an unusual route through the Black Hills, and avoided
coming into contact with any of the scattered parties. This gentleman
offered his services to accompany us so far as the head of the Sweet
Water; but the absence of our leader, which was deeply re-
gretted by us all,^'' rendered it impossible for us to enter upon such
an arrangement. In a camp consisting of men whose lives had been
spent in this country, I expected to find every one prepared for oc-
currences of this nature; but, to my great surprise, I found, on the
contrary, that this news had thrown them all into the greatest con-
sternation, and, on every side, I heard only one exclamation, "II ny
aura pas de vie pour nous." All the night scattered groups were as-
sembled around the fires, smoking their pipes, and listening with
the greatest eagerness to exaggerated details of Indian hostilities;
34. Jim Bridger (1804-81), the famous frontiersman and scout who had
been connected with northwestern fur companies since 1822, would in the
course of the next year establish a way-station in southwestern Wyoming. For
a biography, see alter.
35. These can hardly be Preuss' own words. His published diary says:
"I feel better because of Fremont's absence" (preuss, 21).
214
and in the morning I found the camp dispirited, and agitated by a
variety of conflicting opinions. A majority of the people were strongly
disposed to return ;^^ but Clement Lambert, with some five or six
others, professed their determination to follow Mr. Fremont to the
uttermost limit of his journey. The others yielded to their remon-
strances; and, somewhat ashamed of their cowardice, concluded to
advance at least so far as Laramie fork, eastward of which they were
aware no danger was to be apprehended. Notwithstanding the con-
fusion and excitement, we were very early on the road, as the days
were extremely hot, and we were anxious to profit by the freshness
of the morning. The soft marly formation, over which we were now
journeying frequently offers to the traveller views of remarkable
and picturesque beauty. To several of these localities where the
winds and the rain have worked the bluffs into curious shapes, the
voyageurs have given names according to some fancied resemblance.
One of these, called the Courthouse, we passed about six miles from
our encampment of last night, and toward noon came in sight of
the celebrated Chimney RochJ' It looks, at this distance of about
thirty miles, like what it is called, the long chimney of a steam-fac-
tory establishment, or a shot-tower in Baltimore. Nothing occurred
to interrupt the quiet of the day; and we encamped on the river,
after a march of twenty-four miles. Buffalo had become very
scarce, and but one cow had been killed, of which the meat had been
cut into thin slices, and hung around the carts to dry.
"]uly 10. — We continued along the same fine, plainly beaten road,
which the smooth surface of the country afforded us for a distance
of six hundred and thirty miles, from the frontiers of Missouri to
36. And so was Preuss, who says in his pubhshed diary: "It would be
ridiculous to risk the lives of twenty-five people just to determine a few
longitudes and latitudes and to find out the elevation of a mountain range"
(pREuss, 21-22).
37. Courthouse Rock and Chimney Rock, both famous landmarks on the
trail along the south bank of the North Platte, in Morrill County, Nebr., bear
some relevance to the JCF expedition. A study of trail landmarks by Dale L.
Morgan indicates that the name of Courthouse Rock was unknown in the
literature before JCF's first Report was issued, and the general and early
acceptance of that name is one more indication of the impact his Report had
on an America looking westward. As for Chimney Rock, Preuss made a
sketch (p. 216) which is the second oldest on record (mattes, 385), and
said it looked like the chimney of a factory or "a shot-tower in Baltimore."
Preuss appears to have been the first to use the name Chimney Rock.
215
I
%
O
2l6
the Laramie fork. In the course of the day we met some whites, who
were following along in the train of Mr. Bridger; and, after a day's
journey of twenty-four miles, encamped about sunset at the Chim-
ney Rock, of which the annexed drawing [p. 216] will render any
description unnecessary. It consists of marl and earthy limestone,
and the weather is rapidly diminishing its height, which is now
not more than two hundred feet above the river. Travellers who
visited it some years since placed its height at upwards of five hun-
dred feet.
"July 11.— The valley of the North fork is of a variable breadth,
from one to four and sometimes six miles. Fifteen miles from the
Chimney Rock we reached one of those places where the river
strikes the bluffs and forces the road to make a considerable circuit
over the uplands. This presented an escarpment on the river of about
nine hundred yards in length, and is familiarly known as Scott's
blufls.^^ We had made a journey of thirty miles before we again
struck the river, at a place where some scanty grass afforded an in-
sufficient pasturage to our animals. About twenty miles from the
Chimney Rock we had found a very beautiful spring of excellent
and cold water; but it was in such a deep ravine, and so small, that
the animals could not profit by it, and we therefore halted only
a few minutes, and found a resting place ten miles further on. The
plain between Scott's bluffs and Chimney Rock was almost entirely
covered with drift wood, consisting principally of cedar, which, we
were informed, had been supplied from the Black Hills, in a flood
five or six years since.
"]uly 12. — Nine miles from our encampment of yesterday we
crossed Horse creek, a shallow stream of clear water, about seventy
yards wide, falling into the Platte on the right bank. It was lightly
timbered, and great quantities of drift wood were piled up on the
banks, appearing to be supplied by the creek from above. After a
journey of twenty-six miles, we encamped on a rich bottom, which
afforded fine grass to our animals. Buffalo have entirely disappeared,
and we live now upon the dried meat which is exceedingly poor
food. The marl and earthy limestone, which constituted the forma-
tion for several days past, had changed during the day into a com-
38. Scotts Bluf?, south of the river near Scottsbluff, Nebr., is a national
monument maintained by the National Park Service. Portions of the old
wagon trail are still visible near by.
217
pact white or grayish white hmestone, sometimes containing horn-
stone; and at the place of our encampment this evening, some strata
in the river hills cropped out to the height of thirty or forty feet,
consisting of a fine-grained granitic sandstone; one of the strata
closely resembling gneiss.
"July 13. — To-day, about four o'clock, we reached Fort Laramie,
where we were cordially received; we pitched our camp a little
above the fort, on the bank of Laramie river, in which the pure
and clear water of the mountain stream looked refreshingly cool,
and made a pleasant contrast to the muddy, yellow waters of the
Platte."^'
I walked up to visit our friends at the fort, which is a quadrangu-
lar structure, built of clay, after the fashion of the Mexicans, who
are generally employed in building them. The walls are about fif-
teen feet high, surmounted with a wooden palisade, and form a por-
tion of ranges of houses, which entirely surround a yard of about
one hundred and thirty feet square. Every apartment has its door
and window, all, of course, opening on the inside. There are two
entrances opposite each other and midway the wall, one of which
is a large and public entrance, the other smaller and more private:
a sort of postern gate. Over the great entrance is a square tower, with
loopholes; and, like the rest of the work, built of earth. At two of
the angles, and diagonally opposite each other, are large square
bastions, so arranged as to sweep the four faces of the walls.
This post belongs to the American Fur Company, and, at the time
of our visit, was in charge of Mr. Boudeau. Two of the company's
clerks, Messrs. Galpin and Kellogg,^^ were with him, and he had
in the fort about sixteen men. As usual, these had found wives
39. The end of the so-called abstract from the Preuss journal. His published
version merely reads, "Nothing new, except that we arrived at the Fort to-
day" (preuss, 23).
40. Charles E. Galpin (d. ca. 1870), was for many years connected with the
fur trade on the upper Missouri, and was in charge at Fort Pierre when it
was sold to the U.S. government. Fort Pierre was a depot for Fort Laramie
at this time (see South Dahota Historical Collections, 1:364-65). The other
clerk apparently was Philander Kellogg (1810-ca. 1848). When he went to
the North Platte region is uncertain, but his brothers Florentine and Benja-
min Kellogg encountered him unexpectedly on the trail during a trip to
California in 1846 (korns, 153). A letter from Fort Pierre, 19 Aug. 1845,
from A. R. Bonis to P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company, sheds some light on
Kellogg's activities and also illustrates how Fort Pierre served as a shipping
2l8
among the Indian squaws; and, with the usual accompaniment of
children, the place had quite a populous appearance. It is hardly
necessary to say, that the object of the establishment is trade with the
neighboring tribes, who, in the course of the year, generally make
two or three visits to the fort. In addition to this, traders, with a
small outfit, are constantly kept amongst them. The articles of trade
consist on the one side almost entirely of buffalo robes, and on the
other, of blankets, calicoes, guns, powder, and lead, with such cheap
ornaments as glass beads, looking-glasses, rings, vermilion for
painting, tobacco, and principally, and in spite of the prohibition,
of spirits, brought into the country in the form of alcohol, and di-
luted with water before sold. While mentioning this fact, it is but
justice to the American Fur Company to state, that, throughout the
country, I have always found them strenuously opposed to the intro-
duction of spirituous liquors. But in the present state of things, when
the country is supplied with alcohol, when a keg of it will purchase
from an Indian every thing he possesses — his furs, his lodge, his
horses, and even his wife and children — and when any vagabond
who has money enough to purchase a mule can go into a village
and trade against them successfully — without withdrawing entirely
from the trade, it is impossible for them to discontinue its use. In
their opposition to this practice, the company is sustained, not only
by their obligation to the laws of the country and the welfare of the
Indians, but clearly, also, on grounds of policy; for, with heavy and
expensive outfits, they contend at manifestly great disadvantage
against the numerous independent and unlicensed traders, who enter
the country from various avenues, from the United States and from
Mexico, having no other stock in trade than some kegs of liquor,
which they sell at the modest price of thirty-six dollars per gallon.
The difference between the regular trader and the coureur des bois,
as the French call the itinerant or peddling traders, with respect to
the sale of spirits, is here as it always has been, fixed and permanent,
and growing out of the nature of their trade. The regular trader
looks ahead, and has an interest in the preservation of the Indians,
point for Fort Laramie. "Messrs. Lurty, Harper & Farwell arrived yesterday
from Fort John | Laramie]. They left Mr. Kellogg on White River with 13
wagons and carts laden with 387 Pack Robes. He is progressing hut slowly.
... I expect him here by 1st September, and soon as possible alter his arrival,
I will start two mackinaw boats . . . with 550 packs for St. Louis" (deland,
205).
219
aj
as
Vh
a3
O
220
and in the regular pursuit of their business, and the preservation of
their arms, horses, and every thing necessary to their future and per-
manent success in hunting: the coureur des bois has no permanent
interest, and gets what he can, and for what he can, from every In-
dian he meets, even at the risk of disabHng him from doing any
thing more at hunting.
The fort had a very cool and clean appearance. The great en-
trance, in which I found the gentlemen assembled, and which was
floored, and about fifteen feet long, made a pleasant, shaded seat,
through which the breeze swept constantly; for this country is
famous for high winds. In the course of conversation, I learned
the following particulars, which will explain the condition of the
country: For several years the Cheyennes and Sioux had gradually
become more and more hostile to the whites, and in the latter part
of August, 1841, had had a rather severe engagement with a party
of sixty men, under the command of Mr. Frapp,'*^ of St. Louis. The
Indians lost eight or ten warriors, and the whites had their leader
and four men killed. This fight took place on the waters of Snake
river; and it was this party, on their return under Mr. Bridger,
which had spread so much alarm among my people. In the course
of the spring, two other small parties had been cut off by the Sioux;
one on their return from the Crow nation, and the other among the
Black Hills. The emigrants to Oregon and Mr. Bridger's party met
here, a few days before our arrival. Division and misunderstandings
had grown up among them; they were already somewhat disheart-
ened by the fatigue of their long and wearisome journey, and the
feet of their cattle had become so much worn as to be scarcely able
to travel. In this situation, they were not likely to find encourage-
ment in the hostile attitude of the Indians, and the new and unex-
pected difficulties which sprang up before them. They were told that
41. Henry Fraeb, who had been one of the founders and proprietors of the
Rocky Mountain Fur Company. After that company was dissolved in 1834,
Fraeb engaged in trade both independently and in partnership with various
men. In 1840-41 his partner was Jim Bridger. JCF's report of the number of
men killed when Fraeb skirmished with the Cheyennes, Arapahos, and Sioux
is only one of many differing reports (l. hafen [2|). In Dale L. Morgan's
sketch of Fraeb (anderson, 312-15), he corrects JCF by pointing out that the
Fraeb skirmish probably occurred early in August, not the "latter part." The
scene was the stream now called the Little Snake, and JCF has considerably
exaggerated the effect of the attack on emigration and the morale of emigrants
who learned of the affair.
221
the country was entirely swept of grass, and that few or no buffalo
were to be found on their line of route; and with their weakened
animals, it would be impossible for them to transport their heavy
wagons over the mountain. Under these circumstances, they dis-
posed of their wagons and cattle at the forts; selling them at the
prices they had paid in the States, and taking in exchange coffee and
sugar at one dollar a pound, and miserable worn out horses, which
died before they reached the mountains. Mr. Boudeau informed me
that he had purchased thirty, and the lower fort eighty head of fine
cattle, some of them of the Durham breed. Mr. Fitzpatrick,'*' whose
name and high reputation are familiar to all who interest themselves
in the history of this country, had reached Laramie in company with
Bridger; and the emigrants were fortunate enough to obtain his
services to guide them as far as the British post of Fort Hall, about
two hundred and fifty miles beyond the South Pass of the moun-
tains. They had started for this post on the 4th of July, and im-
mediately after their departure, a war party of three hundred and
fifty braves sat out upon their trail. As their principal chief or par-
tisan had lost some relations in the recent fight, and had sworn to
kill the first whites on his path, it was supposed that their intention
was to attack the party, should a favorable opportunity offer; or, if
they were foiled in their principal object by the vigilance of Mr.
Fitzpatrick, content themselves with stealing horses and cutting off
stragglers. These had been gone but a few days previous to our
arrival.
The effect of the engagement with Mr. Frapp had been greatly to
irritate the hostile spirit of the savages; and immediately subse-
quent to that event, the Gros Ventre Indians had united with the
Oglallahs and Cheyennes, and taken the field in great force, so far
as I could ascertain, to the amount of eight hundred lodges. Their
object was to make an attack on a camp of Snake and Crow Indians,
42. Thomas Fitzpatrick (1799-1854), called "Broken Hand" by the Indians,
was an Irish immigrant who became one of the greatest of the "mountain
men." With Bridger, Fraeb, and others he had organized the Rocky Moun-
tain Fur Company in 1830; but when the beaver were depleted he quit trap-
ping to serve as a guide to early emigrant trains or expeditions. He guided the
White-Hastings party to Fort Hall from Fort Laramie in 1842. In 1843-45,
he would serve as a guide for ICF, and would in 1846 become an Indian
agent for tribes on the upper Platte and the Arkansas (DNA-75,, LS, 38:357).
See the biography by hafen & ghent.
222
and a body of about one hundred whites, who had made a rendez-
vous somewhere in the Green river valley, or on the Sweet Water.
After spending some time in buffalo hunting in the neighborhood
of the Medicine Bow mountain, they were to cross over to the Green
river waters, and return to Laramie by way of the South Pass and
the Sweet Water valley. According to the calculation of the Indians,
Mr. Boudeau informed me they were somewhere near the head
of the Sweet Water. I subsequently learned that the party led by Mr.
Fitzpatrick were overtaken by their pursuers, near Rock Inde-
pendence, in the valley of the Sweet Water; but his skill and reso-
lution saved them from surprise, and small as his force was, they did
not venture to attack him openly. Here they lost one of their party
by an accident, and, continuing up the valley, they came suddenly
upon the large village. From these they met with a doubtful recep-
tion. Long residence and familiar acquaintance had given to Mr.
Fitzpatrick great personal influence among them, and a portion of
them were disposed to let him pass quietly; but by far the greater
number were inclined to hostile measures; and the chiefs spent the
whole of one night, during which they kept the little party in the
midst of them, in council, debating the question of attacking them
the next day; but the influence of "the Broken Hand," as they
called Mr. Fitzpatrick (one of his hands having been shattered by
the bursting of a gun), at length prevailed, and obtained for them
an unmolested passage; but they sternly assured him that this path
was no longer open, and that any party of whites which should
hereafter be found upon it, would meet with certain destruction.
From all that I have been able to learn, I have no doubt that the
emigrants owe their lives to Mr. Fitzpatrick.
Thus it would appear that the country was swarming with scat-
tered war parties; and when I heard during the day, the various con-
tradictory and exaggerated rumors which were incessantly repeated
to them, I was not surprised that so much alarm prevailed among
my men. Carson, one of the best and most experienced mountain-
eers, fully supported the opinion given by Bridger of the dangerous
state of the country, and openly expressed his conviction that we
could not escape without some sharp encounters with the Indians
43
43. The draft manuscript has Carson saying that "all of us should never
see that fort again."
223
In addition to this, he made his will, and among the circumstances
which were constantly occurring to increase their alarm, this was
the most unfortunate; and I found that a number of my party had
become so much intimidated, that they had requested to be dis-
charged at. this place. I dined to-day at Fort Platte, which has been
mentioned as situated at the junction of Laramie river with the
Nebraska. Here I heard a confirmation of the statements given
above. The party of warriors, which had started a few days since on
the trail of the emigrants, was expected back in fourteen days, to join
the village with which their families and the old men had remained.
The arrival of the latter was hourly expected, and some Indians have
just come in who had left them on the Laramie fork, about twenty
miles above. Mr. Bissonette, one of the traders belonging to Fort
Platte, urged the propriety of taking with me an interpreter and two
or three old men of the village, in which case, he thought there
would be little or no hazard in encountering any of the war parties.
The principal danger was in being attacked before they should know
who we were.
They had a confused idea of the numbers and power of our peo-
ple, and dreaded to bring upon themselves the military force of the
United States. This gentleman, who spoke the language fluently,
offered his services to accompany me so far as the Red Buttes. He
was desirous to join the large party on its return, for purposes of
trade, and it would suit his views as well as my own, to go with us
to the Buttes; beyond which point it would be impossible to prevail
on a Sioux to venture, on account of their fear of the Crows. From
Fort Laramie to the Red Buttes, by the ordinary road, is one hundred
and thirty-five miles; and, though only on the threshold of danger,
it seemed better to secure the services of an interpreter [Joseph Bis-
sonette] for the partial distance, than to have none at all.
So far as frequent interruption from the Indians would allow, we
occupied ourselves in making some astronomical calculations, and
bringing up the general map to this stage of our journey, but the
tent was generally occupied by a succession of our ceremonious
visitors. Some came for presents, and others for information of our
object in coming to the country; now and then one would dart up to
the tent on horseback, jerk ofT his trappings, and stand silently at the
door, holding his horse by the halter, signifying his desire to trade.
Occasionally a savage would stalk in, with an invitation to a feast of
honor, a dog feast, and deliberately sit down and wait quietly until
224
I was ready to accompany him/^ I went to one; the women and
children were sitting outside the lodge, and we took our seats on
buffalo robes spread around. The dog was in a large pot over the
fire in the middle of the lodge, and immediately on our arrival was
dished up in large wooden bowls, one of which was handed to each.
The flesh appeared very glutinous, with something of the flavor and
appearance of mutton. Feeling something move behind me, I looked
round and found that I had taken my seat among a litter of fat
young puppies. Had I been nice in such matters, the prejudices of
civilization might have interfered with my tranquility; but fortu-
nately, I am not of delicate nerves, and continued quietly to empty
my platter.
The weather was cloudy at evening, with a moderate south wind,
and the thermometer at 6 o'clock 85°. I was disappointed in my
hope of obtaining an observation of an occultation, which took place
about midnight. The moon brought with her heavy banks of clouds,
through which she scarcely made her appearance during the night.
The morning of the 18th was cloudy and calm, the thermometer
at 6 o'clock at 64°. About 9, with a moderate wind from the west, a
storm of rain came on, accompanied by sharp thunder and lightning,
which lasted about an hour. During the day the expected village
arrived, consisting principally of old men, women, and children.
They had a considerable number of horses, and large troops of dogs.
Their lodges were pitched near the fort, and our camp was con-
stantly crowded with Indians of all sizes, from morning until night;
at which time some of the soldiers generally came to drive them all
off to the village. My tent was the only place which they respected.
Here only came the chiefs and men of distinction, and generally one
of them remained to drive away the women and children. The nu-
merous strange instruments applied to still stranger uses excited awe
and admiration among them, and those which I used in talking with
the sun and stars they looked upon with especial reverence, as mys-
terious things of "great medicine." Of the three barometers which I
had brought with me thus far successfully, I found that two were out
of order, and spent the greater part of the 19th in repairing them, an
operation of no small difficulty in the midst of the incessant inter-
44. "These Indians are irksome people, pesky as children. They come into
the tent, sit down, and smoke their pipes as if they were at home" (preuss,
29).
225
ruptions to which I was subjected. We had the misfortune to break
here a large thermometer, graduated to show fifths of a degree,
which I used to ascertain the temperature of boiUng water, and with
which I had promised myself some interesting experiments in the
mountains. We had but one remaining, on which the graduation
extended sufficiently high, and this was too small for exact obser-
vations. During our stay here the men had been engaged in making
numerous repairs, arranging pack saddles, and otherwise preparing
for the chances of a rough road and mountain travel. All things of
this nature being ready, I gathered them around me in the evening,
and told them that "I had determined to proceed the next day. They
were all well armed. I had engaged the services of Mr. Bissonette as
interpreter, and had taken, in the circumstances, every possible
means to insure our safety. In the rumors we had heard I believed
there was much exaggeration, and then they were men accustomed
to this kind of life and to the country; and that these were the dan-
gers of every day occurrence, and to be expected in the ordinary
course of their service. They had heard of the unsettled condition of
the country before leaving St. Louis, and therefore could not make it
a reason for breaking their engagements. Still I was unwilling to
take with me on a service of some certain danger, men on whom I
could not rely; and as I had understood that there were among them
some who were disposed to cowardice, and anxious to return,
they had but to come forward at once and state their desire, and they
would be discharged with the amount due to them for the time they
had served." To their honor be it said, there was but one among
them who had the face to come forward and avail himself of the
permission."*^ I asked him some few questions in order to expose
him to the ridicule of the men, and let him go. The day after our
departure he engaged himself to one of the forts, and set off with a
party for the Upper Missouri. I did not think that the situation of
the country justified me in taking our young companions, Messrs.
Brant and Benton, along with us. In case of misfortune, it would
45. Deleted from the manuscript draft: "The same [Registe] Larent whom
I have previously had occasion to mention. He was a well-looking, robust man
of thirty, & on this occasion pleaded sickness as a reason for not exposing
himself to the hardships of the Mountains. His only sickness consisted in
overeating himself & I had frequently been obliged to give him medicine, to
assist him in getting rid of the enormous quantity of animal food he daily
consumed."
226
have been thought, at the least, an act of great imprudence; and
therefore, though reluctantly, I determined to leave them. Randolph
had been the life of the camp, and the "petit garcon" was much re-
gretted by the men, to whom his buoyant spirits had afforded great
amusement. They all, however, agreed in the propriety of leaving
him at the fort, because, as they said, he might cost the lives of some
of the men in a fight with the Indians.
July 21. — A portion of our baggage, with our field notes and obser-
vations, and several instruments, were left at the fort. One of the
gentlemen, Mr. Galpin, took charge of a barometer, which he en-
gaged to observe during my absence, and I entrusted to Randolph,
by way of occupation, the regular winding up of two of my chro-
nometers, which were among the instruments left. Our observations
showed that the chronometer which I retained for the continuation
of our voyage had preserved its rate in a most satisfactory manner.
As deduced from it, the longitude of Fort Laramie is Ih. 01' 21", and
from lunar distance 7/!. 01' 29", giving for the adopted longitude
105° 21' 10". Comparing the barometrical observations made during
our stay here with those of Dr. G. Engelman at St. Louis, we find
for the elevation of the fort above the Gulf of Mexico 4,470 feet. The
winter climate here is remarkably mild for the latitude; but rainy
weather is frequent, and the place is celebrated for winds, of which
the prevailing one is west. An east wind in summer and a south
wind in winter is said to be always accompanied with rain.
We were ready to depart; the tents were struck, the mules geared
up, and our horses saddled, and we walked up to the fort to take the
stirrup cup with our friends in an excellent home-brewed prepara-
tion.'*' While thus pleasantly engaged, seated in one of the little cool
46. "We left the large chronometer in Laramie; Fremont succeeded in mak-
ing it run again, and he was jubilant when he heard again the ticking and
tick-tocking. In comparing we found, however, that every twenty-four hours
it went wrong by about one hour. Oh, you American blockheads!" (preuss,
30-31).
47. Oliver P. Wiggins, who was probably born on Grand Island in the
Niagara River in 1823, claimed that he and a few friends joined the expedi-
tion at Fort Laramie and accompanied it westward "because they could be
depended on to fight in Indian dangers" ("Early Far West Notes," F. W.
Cragin, Western History Collection, CoU). In carson, 20-22, Harvey L.
Carter not only points out the preposterous nature of this claim, which had
been accepted by such biographers as Edwin L. Sabin and M. Morgan Ester-
green, but also questions his whole association with Kit Carson at Taos. In
227
chambers, at the door of which a man had been stationed to prevent
all intrusion from the Indians, a number of chiefs, several of them
powerful fine-looking men, forced their way into the room in spite
of all opposition. Handing me the following letter, they took their
seats in silence:
"Fort Platte, ]uly 1, 1842.
"Mr. Fremont: Les chefs s'etant assembles presentement me disent
de vous avertir de ne point vous mettre en route, avant que le parti
de jeunes gens qui est en dehors, soient de retour. Deplus ils me
disent qu'ils sont tres certain qu'ils feront feu, a la premiere rencontre.
Ils doivent etre de retour dans sept a huit jours; excusez si je vous
fais cos observations, mais il me semble qu'il est mon devoir de vous
avertir du danger. Meme de plus, les chefs sont les porteurs de ce
billet, qui vous defendent de partir avant le retour des guerriers.
"Je suis votre ob't servt'r,
"Joseph Bissonette,
"Par L. B. Chartrain.'"'
Les noms de quelques chefs:
Le Chapeau de Loutre, le Casseur de Fleches, la Nuit Noir, La
Queue de Boeuf .
{Translation^
"Fort Platte, ]uly 1, 1842.
"Mr. Fremont: The chiefs having assembled in council, have just
told me to warn you not to set out before the party of young men
which is now out shall have returned. Furthermore, they tell me
that they are very sure they will fire upon you as soon as they meet
you. They are expected back in seven or eight days; excuse me for
making these observations, but it seems my duty to warn you of
fact, Carter is reasonably certain that Wiggins, who has been exposed as a
complete charlatan, did not come west before 1850, and then only as far as
Scottsbluff, Nebr.
48. L. B. Chartrain probably left Independence with a Sibille & Adams
party in the fall of 1841. The fragmentary diaries of Adams (MoSHi) first
mention him in December of that year, saying he has gone to trade on
Cheyenne waters. He is last mentioned in the diaries in 1845.
228
danger. Moreover, the chiefs who prohibit your setting out before
the return of the warriors are the bearers of this note.
"I am your obedient servant,
"Joseph Bissonette,
"By L. B. Chartrain."
"Names of some of the chiefs:
"The Otter Hat, the Breaker of Arrows, the Black Night, the
Bull's Tail."
After reading this, I mentioned its purport to my companions, and
seeing that all were fully possessed of its contents, one of the Indians
rose up, and, having first shaken hands with me, spoke as follows:
"You have come among us at a bad time. Some of our people have
been killed, and our young men, who are gone to the mountains,
are eager to avenge the blood of their relations, which has been shed
by the whites. Our young men are bad, and if they meet you they
will believe that you are carrying goods and ammunition to their
enemies, and will fire upon you. You have told us that this will
make war. We know that our great father has many soldiers and
big guns, and we are anxious to have our lives. We love the whites,
and are desirous of peace. Thinking of all these things, we have
determined to keep you here until our warriors return. We are glad
to see you among us. Our father is rich, and we expected that you
would have brought presents to us — horses, and guns, and blankets.
But we are glad to see you. We look upon your coming as the light
which goes before the sun ; for you will tell our great father that you
have seen us, and that we are naked and poor, and have nothing to
eat, and he will send us all these things." He was followed by others
to the same effect.
The observations of the savage appeared reasonable; but I was
aware that they had in view only the present object of detaining me,
and were unwilling I should go further into the country. In reply, I
asked them, through the interpretation of Mr. Boudeau, to select two
or three of their number to accompany us until we should meet their
people — they should spread their robes in my tent and eat at my
table, and on our return I would give them presents in reward of
their services. They declined, saying that there were no young men
left in the village, and that they were too old to travel so many days
on horseback, and preferred now to smoke their pipes in the lodge,
229
and let the warriors go on the war-path. Besides, they had no power
over the young men, and were afraid to interfere with them. In my
turn I addressed them: "You say that you love the whites; why have
you killed so many already this spring? You say that you love the
whites, and are full of many expressions of friendship to us, but you
are not willing to undergo the fatigue of a few days' ride to save our
lives. We do not believe what you have said, and will not listen to
you. Whatever a chief among us tells his soldiers to do, is done. We
are the soldiers of the great chief, your father. He has told us to
come here and see this country, and all the Indians, his children. Why
should we not go ? Before we came, we heard that you had killed his
people, and ceased to be his children; but we came among you peace-
ably, holding out our hands. Now we find that the stories we heard
are not lies, and that you are no longer his friends and children. We
have thrown away our bodies, and will not turn back. When you
told us that your young men would kill us, you did not know that
our hearts were strong, and you did not see the rifles which my
young men carry in their hands. We are few, and you are many, and
may kill us all; but there will be much crying in your villages, for
many of your young men will stay behind, and forget to return with
your warriors from the mountains. Do you think that our great chief
will let his soldiers die, and forget to cover their graves ? Before the
snows melt again, his warriors will sweep away your villages as the
fire does the prairie in the autumn. See! I have pulled down my
white houses, and my people are ready: when the sun is ten paces
higher, we shall be on the march. If you have anything to tell us, you
will say it soon." I broke up the conference, as I could do nothing
with these people, and being resolved to proceed, nothing was to be
gained by delay. Accompanied by our hospitable friends, we re-
turned to the camp. We had mounted our horses, and our parting
salutations had been exchanged, when one of the chiefs, the Bull's
Tail, arrived to tell me that they had determined to send a young
man with us; and if I would point out the place of our evening
camp, he should join us there. "The young man is poor," said he;
"he has no horse, and expects you to give him one." I described to
him the place where I intended to encamp, and shaking hands, in
a few minutes we were among the hills, and this last habitation of
whites shut out from our view.
The road led over an interesting plateau between the north fork
of the Platte on the right and Laramie river on the left. At the dis-
230
tance of ten miles from the fort we entered the sandy bed of a creek,
a kind of defile, shaded by precipitous rocks, down which we wound
our way for several hundred yards to a place where, on the left bank,
a very large spring gushes with considerable noise and force out of
the limestone rock. It is called "the Warm Spring," and furnishes to
the hitherto dry bed of the creek a considerable rivulet. On the op-
posite side, a little below the spring, is a lofty limestone escarpment,
partially shaded by a grove of large trees, whose green foliage, in
contrast with the whiteness of the rock, renders this a picturesque
locality. The rock is fossiliferous, and, so far as I was able to deter-
mine the character of the fossils, belongs to the carboniferous lime-
stone of the Missouri river, and is probably the western limit of that
formation. Beyond this point I met with no fossils of any description.
I was desirous to visit the Platte near the point where it leaves the
Black Hills, and therefore followed this stream, for two or three
miles, to the mouth; where I encamped on a spot which afforded
good grass and prele (equisetum) for our animals. Our tents having
been found too thin to protect ourselves and the instruments from
the rains, which in this elevated country are attended with cold and
unpleasant weather, I had procured from the Indians at Laramie a
tolerably large lodge, about eighteen feet in diameter and twenty feet
in height. Such a lodge, when properly pitched, is, from its conical
form, almost perfectly secure against the violent winds which are
frequent in this region, and with a fire in the centre is a dry and
warm shelter in bad weather. By raising the lower part so as to
permit the breeze to pass freely, it is converted into a pleasant sum-
mer residence, with the extraordinary advantage of being entirely
free from mosquitoes, one of which I have never seen in an Indian
lodge. While we were engaged very unskilfully in erecting this, the
interpreter, Mr. Bissonette, arrived, accompanied by the Indian and
his wife. She laughed at our awkwardness, and offered her assistance,
of which we were frequently afterward obliged to avail ourselves,
before the men acquired suflBcient expertness to pitch it without
difficulty. From this place we had a fine view of the gorge where the
Platte issues from the Black Hills, changing its character abruptly
from a mountain stream into a river of the plains.^** Immediately
49. The trail the party has heen following has not run directly along the
banks of the North Platte, so JCF has come down to the river to inspect the
rough country in the vicinity of Guernsey, Wyo. The original course and
231
around us the valley of the stream was tolerably open, and at the dis-
tance of a few miles, where the river had cut its way through the
hills, was the narrow cleft, on one side of which a lofty precipice of
bright red rock rose vertically above the low hills which lay between
us.
]uly 22. — In the morning, while breakfast was being prepared, I
visited this place with my favorite man, Basil Lajeunesse. Entering
so far as there was footing for the mules, we dismounted, and, tying
our animals, continued our way on foot. Like the whole country, the
scenery of the river had undergone an entire change, and was in this
place the most beautiful I have ever seen. The breadth of the stream,
generally near that of its valley, was from two to three hundred feet,
with a swift current, occasionally broken by rapids, and the water
perfectly clear. On either side rose the red precipices, vertical, and
sometimes overhanging, two and four hundred feet in height,
crowned with green summits, on which were scattered a few pines.
At the foot of the rocks was the usual detritus, formed of masses
fallen from above. Among the pines that grew here and on the oc-
casional banks, were the cherry, {cerasus virginiana) currants, and
grains de boeuf {shepherdia argentea.) Viewed in the sunshine of a
pleasant morning, the scenery was of a most striking and romantic
beauty, which arose from the picturesque disposition of the objects
and the vivid contrast of colors. I thought with much pleasure of our
approaching descent in the canoe through such interesting places;
and, in the expectation of being able at that time to give to them a
full examination, did not now dwell so much as might have been
desirable upon the geological formations along the line of the river,
where they are developed with great clearness. The upper portion of
the red strata consists of very compact clay, in which are occasionally
seen imbedded large pebbles. Below was a stratum of compact red
sandstone, changing a little above the river into a very hard siliceous
limestone. There is a small but handsome open prairie immediately
below this place, on the left bank of the river, which would be a
nature of the river, west of Guernsey, are now obscured by the Guernsey
Reservoir and a smaller man-made body of water, Newell Bay.
Dale L. Morgan, in his correspondence with us, believes it clear from JCF's
text that he took what later became known as the Hill Road from Fort Lara-
mie to Warm Spring (thus reaching Warm Spring Canyon above the spring),
not the River Road traveled by the Mormons in 1847, which kept to the banks
of the North Platte as far as the mouth of Warm Spring Canyon. This Hill
Road followed the divide between the Laramie and North Platte rivers.
232
good locality for a military post. There are some open groves of Cot-
tonwood on the Platte. The small stream which comes in at this
place is well timbered with pine, and good building rock is abun-
dant.
If it is in contemplation to keep open the communications with
Oregon Territory, a show of military force in this country is abso-
lutely necessary; and a combination of advantages renders the neigh-
borhood of Fort Laramie the most suitable place, on the line of the
Platte, for the establishment of a military post. It is connected with
the mouth of the Platte and the Upper Missouri by excellent roads,
which are in frequent use, and would not in any way interfere with
the range of the buffalo, on which the neighboring Indians mainly
depend for support. It would render any posts on the Lower Platte
unnecessary; the ordinary communication between it and the Mis-
souri being sufficient to control the intermediate Indians. It would
operate effectually to prevent any such coalitions as are now formed
among the Gros Ventres, Sioux, Cheyennes, and other Indians, and
would keep the Oregon road through the valley of the Sweet Water
and the South Pass of the mountains constantly open. A glance at
the map'^" which accompanies this report, will show that it lies at
the foot of a broken and mountainous region, along which, by the
establishment of small posts, in the neighborhood of St. Vrain's fort,
on the South fork of the Platte, and Bent's fort, on the Arkansas, a
line of communication would be formed, by good wagon roads, with
our southern military posts, which would entirely command the
mountain passes, hold some of the most troublesome tribes in check,
and protect and facilitate our intercourse with the neighboring Span-
ish settlements. The vallies of the rivers on which they would be
situated are fertile; the country which supports immense herds of
buffalo is admirably adapted to grazing, and herds of catde might
be maintained by the posts, or obtained from the Spanish country,
which already supplies a portion of their provisions to the trading
posts mentioned above.
Just as we were leaving the camp this morning our Indian came
up, and stated his intention of not proceeding any further until he
had seen the horse which I intended to give him. I felt strongly
tempted to drive him out of the camp, but his presence appeared to
give confidence to my men, and the interpreter thought it absolutely
50. See Map 2 (Map Portfolio).
233
necessary. I was, therefore, obliged to do what he requested, and
pointed out the animal, with which he seemed satisfied, and we con-
tinued our journey. I had imagined that Mr. Rissonette's long resi-
dence had made him acquainted with the country, and, according to
his advice, proceeded directly forward without attempting to regain
the usual road. He afterward informed me that he had rarely ever
lost sight of the fort; but the effect of the mistake was to involve us
for a day or two among the hills, where, although we lost no time,
we encountered an exceedingly rough road.
To the south, along our line of march to-day, the main chain of
the Black or Laramie Hills'^^ rises precipitatous [precipitously].
Time did not permit me to visit them, but, from comparative infor-
mation, the ridge is composed of the coarse sandstone or conglom-
erate hereafter described. It appears to enter the region of clouds,
which are arrested in their course and lie in masses along the sum-
mits. An inverted cone of black cloud (cumulus) rested during all
the forenoon on the lofty peak of Laramie Mountain, which I esti-
mated to be about two thousand feet above the fort, or six thousand
five hundred above the sea. We halted to noon on the Fourche
Amere [Cottonwood Creek], so called from being timbered prin-
cipally with the Hard amere (a species of poplar), with which the
valley of the little stream is tolerably well wooded, and which, with
large expansive summits, grows to the height of sixty or seventy
feet.
The bed of the creek is sand and gravel, the water dispersed over
the broad bed in several shallow streams. We found here, on the
right bank, in the shade of the trees, a fine spring of very cold water.
It will be remarked that I do not mention, in this portion of the
journey, the temperature of the air, sand, springs, &c., an omission
which will be explained in the course of the narrative. In my search
for plants, I was well rewarded at this place.
With the change in the geological formation, on leaving Fort
Laramie, the whole face of the country has entirely altered its ap-
pearance. Eastward of that meridian, the principal objects which
strike the eye of a traveller are the absence of timber, and the im-
mense expanse of prairie, covered with the verdure of rich grasses,
and highly adapted for pasturage. Wherever they are not disturbed
by the vicinity of man, large herds of buffalo give animation to this
5L The Laramie Range of the Rockies.
234
country. Westward of Laramie river, the region is sandy and ap-
parently sterile; and the place of the grass is usurped by the artemisia
and other odoriferous plants, to whose growth the sandy soil and dry
air of this elevated region seem highly favorable.
One of the prominent characteristics in the face of the country is
the extraordinary abundance of the artemisias. They grow every
where, on the hills, and over the river bottoms, in tough, twisted,
wiry clumps; and, wherever the beaten track was left, they rendered
the progress of the carts rough and slow. As the country increased in
elevation on our advance to the west, they increased in size; and the
whole air is strongly impregnated and saturated with the odor of
camphor and spirits of turpentine which belongs to this plant. This
climate has been found very favorable to the restoration of health,
particularly in cases of consumption ; and possibly the respiration of
air, so highly impregnated by aromatic plants, may have some in-
fluence.
Our dried meat had given out, and we began to be in want of
food; but one of the hunters killed an antelope this evening, which
afforded some relief, although it did not go far among so many
hungry men. At 8 o'clock at night, after a march of twenty-seven
miles, we reached our proposed encampment on the Fer-a-Cheval,
or Horse Shoe creek. Here we found good grass, with a great quan-
tity of prele, which furnished good food for our tired animals. This
creek is well timbered, principally with Hard amere, and, with the
exception of Deer creek, which we had not yet reached, is the largest
affluent of the right bank between Laramie and the mouth of the
Sweet Water.
]uly 23. — The present year had been one of unparalleled drought,
and throughout the country the water had been almost dried up. By
availing themselves of the annual rise, the traders had invariably suc-
ceeded in carrying their furs to the Missouri ; but this season, as has
already been mentioned, on both forks of the Platte they had en-
tirely failed. The greater number of the springs and many of the
streams which made halting places for the voyageurs, had been dried
up. Every where the soil looked parched and burnt, the scanty yellow
grass crisped under the foot, and even the hardiest plants were de-
stroyed by want of moisture. I think it necessary to mention this
fact, because to the rapid evaporation in such an elevated region,
nearly 5,000 feet above the sea, almost wholly unprotected by timber,
should be attributed much of the sterile appearance of the country,
235
in the destruction of vegetation, and the numerous saline efflores-
cences which covered the ground. Such I afterward found to be the
case.
I was informed that the roving villages of Indians and travellers
had never met with difficulty in finding an abundance of grass for
their horses; and now it was after great search that we were able to
find a scanty patch of grass, sufficient to keep them from sinking,
and in the course of a day or two they began to suffer very much.
We found none to-day at noon, and, in the course of our search on
the Platte, came to a grove of cotton wood, where some Indian village
had recently encamped. Boughs of the cottonwood yet green covered
the ground, which the Indians had cut down to feed their horses
upon. It is only in the winter that recourse is had to this means of
sustaining them; and their resort to it at this time was a striking
evidence of the state of the country. We followed their example, and
turned our horses into a grove of young poplars. This began to pre-
sent itself as a very serious evil, for on our animals depended alto-
gether the further prosecution of our journey.
Shortly after we had left this place, the scouts came galloping in
with the alarm of Indians. We turned in immediately toward the river,
which here had a steep high bank, where we formed with the carts a
very close barricade, resting on the river, within which the animals
were strongly hobbled and picketed. The guns were discharged and
reloaded, and men thrown forward, under cover of the bank, in the
direction by which the Indians were expected. Our interpreter, who,
with the Indian, had gone to meet them, came in in about ten
minutes, accompanied by two Sioux. They looked sulky, and we
could obtain from them only some confused information. We learned
that they belonged to the party which had been on the trail of the
emigrants, whom they had overtaken at Rock Independence, on the
Sweet Water. Here the party had disagreed, and came nigh fighting
among themselves. One portion were desirous of attacking the
whites, but the others were opposed to it; and finally they had
broken up into small bands and dispersed over the country. The
greater portion of them had gone over into the territory of the
Crows, and intended to return by way of the Wind river valley, in
the hope of being able to fall upon some small parties of Crow
Indians. The remainder were returning down the Platte in scattered
parties of ten and twenty, and those whom we had encountered be-
longed to those who had advocated an attack on the emigrants.
236
Several of the men suggested shooting them on the spot; but I
promptly discountenanced any such proceeding. They further in-
formed me that buflfalo were very scarce, and little or no grass to
be found. There had been no rain, and innumerable quantities of
grasshoppers had destroyed the grass. This insect had been so nu-
merous since leaving Fort Laramie, that the ground seemed alive
with them; and in walking, a little moving cloud preceded our foot-
steps. This was bad news. No grass, no buffalo — food for neither
horse nor man. I gave them some plugs of tobacco and they went
off, apparently well satisfied to be clear of us; for my men did not
look upon them very lovingly, and they glanced suspiciously at our
warlike preparations, and the little ring of rifles which surrounded
them. They were evidently in a bad humor, and shot one of their
horses when they had left us a short distance.
We continued our march, and after a journey of about twenty-
one miles, encamped on the Platte. During the day, I had occasion-
ally remarked among the hills the psomlea esculenta, the bread root
of the Indians. The Sioux use this root very extensively, and I have
frequently met with it among them, cut into thin slices and dried. In
the course of the evening we were visited by six Indians, who told
us that a larger party was encamped a few miles above. Astronomi-
cal observations placed us in longitude 106° 03' 40", and latitude
42° 39' 25".
We made the next day twenty-two miles, and encamped on the
right bank of the Platte, where a handsome meadow afforded toler-
ably good grass. There were the remains of an old fort here [La-
bonte's Camp], thrown up in some sudden emergency, and on the
opposite side was a picturesque bluff of ferruginous sandstone. There
was a handsome grove a little above, and scattered groups of trees
bordered the river. Buffalo made their appearance this afternoon,
and the hunters came in shortly after we had encamped, with three
fine cows. The night was fine, and observations gave for the latitude
of the camp, 42° 47' 40".
]uly 25. — We made but thirteen miles this day, and encamped
about noon in a pleasant grove on the right bank. Low scaffolds
were erected, upon which the meat was laid, cut up into thin strips,
and small fires kindled below. Our object was to profit by the
vicinity of the buffalo, to lay in a stock of provisions for ten or
fifteen days. In the course of the afternoon, the hunters brought in
five or six cows, and all hands were kept busily employed in pre-
237
paring the meat, to the drying of which the guard attended during
the night. Our people had recovered their gaiety, and the busy fig-
ures around the blazing fires gave a picturesque air to the camp. A
very serious accident occurred this morning, in the breaking of one
of the barometers. These had been the object of my constant solici-
tude, and, as I had intended them principally for mountain service,
I had used them as seldom as possible; taking them always down at
night, and on the occurrence of storms, in order to lessen the chances
of being broken. I was reduced to one, a standard barometer of
Troughton's construction. This I determined to preserve, if possible.
The latitude is 42° 51' 35", and by a mean of the results from chro-
nometer and lunar distances, the adopted longitude of this camp is
106° 25' 10".
]uly 26. — Early this morning we were again in motion. We had a
stock of provisions for fifteen days, carefully stored away in the
carts, and this I resolved should only be encroached upon when our
rifles should fail to procure us present support, I determined to
reach the mountains, if it were in any way possible. In the mean-
time, buffalo were plenty. In six miles from our encampment,
which, by way of distinction, we shall call Dried Meat camp, we
crossed a handsome stream, called La Fourche Boisee [Box Elder
Creek]. It is well timbered, and among the flowers in bloom on
banks, I remarked several asters.
Five miles further we made our noon halt, on the banks of the
Platte, in the shade of some cottonwoods. There were here, as gen-
erally now along the river, thickets of hippophaoe, the grains de
bocuf of the country. They were of two kinds; one bearing a red
berry, (the shepherdia argentia of Nuttall;) the other a yellow berry,
of which the Tartars are said to make a kind of rob [rub].
By a meridian observation, the latitude of the place was 42° 50'
08". It was my daily practice to take observations of the sun's merid-
ian altitude, and why they are not given, will appear in the sequel.
Eight miles further we reached the mouth of Deer creek, where we
encamped. Here was an abundance of rich grass, and our animals
were compensated for past privations. This stream was at this time
twenty feet broad, and well timbered with cottonwood of an un-
common size. It is the largest tributary of the Platte, between the
mouth of the Sweet Water and the Laramie. Our astronomical
observations gave for the mouth of the stream a longitude of 106°
43' 15", and latitude 42° 52' 24".
238
]uly 27. — Nothing worthy of mention occurred on this day; we
travelled later than usual, having spent some time in searching for
grass, crossing and recrossing the river before we could find a suf-
ficient quantity for our animals. Toward dusk, we encamped among
some artemisia bushes, two and three feet in height, where some
scattered patches of short tough grass afforded a scanty supply. In
crossing, we had occasion to observe that the river was frequently
too deep to be forded, though we always succeeded in finding a
place where the water did not enter the carts. The stream continued
very clear, with two or three hundred feet breadth of water, and the
sandy bed and banks were frequently covered with large round
pebbles. We had travelled this day twenty-seven miles. The main
chain of the Black Hills was here only about seven miles to the
south, on the right bank of the river, rising abruptly to the height
of eight and twelve hundred feet. Patches of green grass in the
ravines on the steep sides, marked the presence of springs, and the
summits were clad with pines.
]uly 28. — In two miles from our encampment we reached the
place where the regular road crosses the Platte. There was two hun-
dred feet breadth of water at this time in the bed, which has a vari-
able width of eight to fifteen hundred feet. The channels were
generally three feet deep, and there were large angular rocks on the
bottom, which made the ford in some places a little difficult. Even
at its low stages this river cannot be crossed at random, and this has
always been used as the best ford. The low stage of the waters the
present year had made it fordable in almost any part of its course,
where access could be had to its bed.
For the satisfaction of travellers, I will endeavor to give some
description of the nature of the road from Laramie to this point.
The nature of the soil may be inferred from its geological formation.
The limestone at the eastern limit of this section, is succeeded by
limestone without fossils, a great variety of sandstone, consisting
principally of red sandstone and fine conglomerates. The red sand-
stone is argillaceous, with compact white gypsum or alabaster, very
beautiful. The other sandstones are gray, yellow, and ferruginous,
sometimes very coarse. The apparent sterility of the country must
therefore be sought for in other causes than the nature of the soil.
The face of the country cannot with propriety be called hilly. It is
a succession of long ridges, made by the numerous streams which
come down from the neighboring mountain range. The ridges have
239
an undulating surface, with some such appearance as the ocean
presents in an ordinary breeze.
The road which is now generally followed through this region is,
therefore, a very good one, without any difficult ascents to over-
come. The principal obstructions are near the river, where the
transient waters of heavy rains have made deep ravines with steep
banks, which renders frequent circuits necessary. It will be remem-
bered that wagons pass this road only once or twice a year, which
is by no means sufficient to break down the stubborn roots of the
innumerable artemisia bushes. A partial absence of these is often
the only indication of the track, and the roughness produced by
their roots in many places gives the road the character of one newly
opened in a wooded country. This is usually considered the worst
part of the road east of the mountains, and as it passes through an
open prairie region, may be much improved, so as to avoid the
greater part of the inequalities it now presents.
From the mouth of the Kanzas to the Green river valley, west of
the Rocky Mountains, there is no such thing as a mountain road on
the line of communication.
We continued our way, and four miles beyond the ford, Indians
were discovered again, and I halted while a party were sent forward
to ascertain who they were. In a short time they returned, accompa-
nied by a number of Indians of the Oglallah band of Sioux. From
them we received some interesting information. They had formed
part of the great village, which they informed us had broken up,
and was on its way home.^^ The greater part of the village, includ-
ing the Arapahoes, Cheyennes, and Oglallahs, had crossed the
Platte eight or ten miles below the mouth of the Sweet Water, and
were now behind the mountains to the south of us, intending to
regain the Platte by way of Deer creek. They had taken this unusual
route in search of grass and game. They gave us a very discouraging
picture of the country. The great drought, and the plague of grass-
hoppers, had swept it so, that scarce a blade of grass was to be seen,
and there was not a buflfalo to be found in the whole region. Their
people, they further said, had been nearly starved to death, and we
would find their road marked by lodges which they had thrown
52. Deleted from the end of this sentence in the manuscript draft: "in a
very miserable cond."
240
away in order to move more rapidly, and by the carcasses of the
horses which they had eaten, or which had perished by starvation.
Such was the prospect before us.
When he had finished the interpretation of these things, Mr. Bis-
sonette immediately rode up to me and urgently advised that I
should entirely abandon the further prosecution of my exploration.
"Le meilleure avis que je pourrais vous donner c'est de virer de
suite." "The best advice I can give you, is to turn back at once." It
was his own intention to return, as we had now reached the point to
which he had engaged to attend me. In reply, I called up my men,
and communicated to them fully the information I had just re-
ceived. I then expressed to them my fixed determination to proceed
to the end of the enterprise on which I had been sent, but as the
situation of the country gave me some reason to apprehend that it
might be attended with an unfortunate result to some of us, I
would leave it optional with them to continue with me or to return.
Among them were some five or six who I know would remain.
We had still ten days' provisions; and, should no game be found,
when this stock was expended, we had our horses and mules, which
we could eat when other means of subsistence failed. But not a man
flinched from the undertaking. "We'll eat the mules," said Basil
Lajeunesse; and thereupon we shook hands with our interpreter
and his Indians, and parted. With them I sent back one of my men,
Dumes, whom the effects of an old wound in the leg rendered in-
capable of continuing the journey on foot, and his horse seemed on
the point of giving out. Having resolved to disencumber ourselves
immediately of every thing not absolutely necessary to our future op-
erations, I turned directly in toward the river, and encamped on the
left bank, a little above the place where our council had been held,
and where a thick grove of willows offered a suitable spot for the
object I had in view.
The carts having been discharged, the covers and wheels were
taken off, and, with the frames, carried into some low places among
the willows, and concealed in the dense foliage in such a manner
that the glitter of the iron work might not attract the observation of
some straggling Indian. In the sand which had been blown up into
waves among the willows, a large hole was then dug, ten feet square
and six deep. In the meantime, all our effects had been spread out
upon the ground, and whatever was designed to be carried along
241
with us separated and laid aside, and the remaining part carried to
the hole and carefully covered up.^^ As much as possible, all traces
of our proceedings were obliterated, and it wanted but a rain to
render our cache safe beyond discovery. All the men were now set
at work to arrange the pack-saddles and make up the packs.
The day was very warm and calm, and the sky entirely clear, ex-
cept where, as usual along the summits of the mountainous ridge
opposite, the clouds had congregated in masses. Our lodge had been
planted, and, on account of the heat, the ground pins had been taken
out, and the lower part slightly raised. Near to it was standing the
barometer, which swung in a tripod frame; and within the lodge,
where a small fire had been built, Mr. Preuss was occupied in observ-
ing the temperature of boiling water. At this instant, and without
any warning until it was within fifty yards, a violent gust of wind
dashed down the lodge, burying under it Mr. Preuss^"* and
about a dozen men, who had attempted to keep it from being
carried away. I succeeded in saving the barometer, which the lodge
was carrying off with itself, but the thermometer was broken. We
had no others of a high graduation, none of those which remained
going higher than 135° Fahrenheit. Our astronomical observations
gave to this place, which we named Cache camp, a longitude of
107° 15'55", latitude 42° 50' 53".
]uly 29. — All our arrangements having been completed, we left
the encampment at 7 o'clock this morning. In this vicinity the ordi-
nary road leaves the Platte, and crosses over to the Sweet Water
river, which it strikes near Rock Independence. Instead of following
this road, I had determined to keep the immediate valley of the
Platte so far as the mouth of the Sweet Water, in the expectation
of finding better grass. To this I was further prompted by the na-
ture of my instructions. To Mr. Carson was assigned the office of
guide, as we had now reached a part of the country with which, or
a great part of which, long residence had made him familiar. In a
few miles we reached the Red Buttes,^^ a famous landmark in this
53. Deleted at this point in the manuscript draft, a partial sentence: "Here
were deposited the harness of the mules, the greatest part of our clothing, a
store of powder and lead. . . ."
54. The Preuss diary skips from 27 to 31 July, and thus we are deprived of
his own caustic record of this incident.
55. Another well-known landmark on the trail to South Pass, about fifteen
miles southwest of Casper, Wyo., on state highway 220.
242
country, whose geological composition is red sandstone, limestone,
and calcareous sandstone and puddingstone.
The river here cuts its way through a ridge ; on the eastern side of
it are the lofty escarpments of red argillaceous sandstone, which are
called the Red Buttes. In this passage the stream is not much com-
pressed or pent up, there being a bank of considerable though vari-
able breadth on either side. Immediately on entering we discovered
a band of buflfalo. The hunters failed to kill any of them, the leading
hunter being thrown into a ravine, which occasioned some delay,
and in the meantime the herd clambered up the steep face of the
ridge. It is sometimes wonderful to see these apparently clumsy
animals make their way up and down the most rugged and broken
precipices. We halted to noon before we had cleared this passage
at a spot twelve miles distant from Cache camp, where we found an
abundance of grass. So far the account of the Indians was found to
be false. On the banks were willow and cherry trees. The cherries
were not yet ripe, but in the thickets were numerous fresh tracks of
the grizzly bear, which are very fond of this fruit. The soil here is
red, the composition being derived from the red sandstone. About
seven miles brought us through the ridge, in which the course of
the river is north and south. Here the valley opens out broadly, and
high walls of the red formation present themselves among the hills
to the east. We crossed here a pretty little creek, an affluent of the
right bank. It is well timbered with cottonwood in this vicinity, and
the absinthe [Artemisia] has lost its shrub-like character, and be-
comes small trees six and eight feet in height, and sometimes eight
inches in diameter. Two or three miles above this creek we made
our encampment, having travelled to-day twenty-five miles. Our
animals fared well here, as there is an abundance of grass. The river
bed is made up of pebbles, and in the bank at the level of the water
is a conglomerate of coarse pebbles about the size of ostrich eggs,
and which I remarked in the banks of the Laramie fork. It is over-
laid by a soil of mixed clay and sand, six feet thick. By astronomical
observations our position is in longitude 107° 29' 06'', and latitude 42°
38'.
July 30. — After travelling about twelve miles this morning, we
reached a place where the Indian village had crossed the river. Here
were the poles of discarded lodges and skeletons of horses lying
about. Mr. Carson, who had never been higher up than this point
on the river, which has the character of being exceedingly rugged
243
and walled in by precipices above, thought it advisable to camp
near this place, where we were certain of obtaining grass, and to-
morrow make our crossing among the rugged hills to the Sweet
Water river. Accordingly we turned back and descended the river
to an island near by, which was about twenty acres in size, covered
with a luxuriant growth of grass. The formation here I found
highly interesting. Immediately at this island the river is again shut
up in the rugged hills, which come down to it from the main ridge
in a succession of spurs three or four hundred feet high, and alter-
nated with green level prairillons or meadows, bordered on the
river banks with thickets of willow, and having many plants to in-
terest the traveller. The island lies between two of these ridges, three
or four hundred yards apart, of which that on the right bank is com-
posed entirely of red argillaceous sandstone, with thin layers of
fibrous gypsum. On the left bank, the ridge is composed entirely of
siliceous puddingstone, the pebbles in the numerous strata increas-
ing in size from the top to the bottom, where they are as large as a
man's head. So far as I was able to determine, these strata incline to
the northeast, with a dip of about 15°. This puddingstone or con-
glomerate formation I was enabled to trace through an extended
range of country, from a few miles east of the meridian of Fort
Laramie to where I found it superimposed on the granite of the
Rocky Mountains, in longitude 109° 30'. From its appearance, the
main chain of the Laramie mountain is composed of this rock ; and
in a number of places I found isolated hills, which served to mark a
former level, which had been probably swept away.
These conglomerates are very friable and easily decomposed; and
I am inclined to think this formation is the source from which was
derived the great deposite of sand and gravel which forms the sur-
face rock of the prairie country west of the Mississippi.
Crossing the ridge of red sandstone, and traversing the little
prairie which lies to the southward of it, we made in the afternoon
an excursion to a place which we have called the Hot Spring Gate,
This place has much the appearance of a gate, by which the Platte
passes through a ridge composed of a white and calcareous sand-
stone. The length of the passage is about four hundred yards, with a
smooth green prairie on either side. Through this place, the stream
flows with a quiet current, unbroken by any rapid, and is about sev-
enty yards wide between the walls, which rise perpendicularly from
the water. To that on the right bank, which is the lower, the
244
barometer gave a height of three hundred and sixty feet. Annexed is
a view of this place, which will be more particularly described
hereafter, as we passed through it on our return.
We saw here numerous herds of mountain sheep, and frequently
heard the volley of rattling stones which accompanied their rapid de-
scent down the steep hills. This was the first place at which we had
killed any of these animals; and, in consequence of this circumstance,
and of the abundance of these sheep or goats (for they are called by
each name), we gave to our encampment the name of Goat Island.
Their flesh is much esteemed by the hunters, and has very much the
flavor of the Allegany [sic] mountain sheep. I have frequently seen
the horns of this animal three feet long and seventeen inches in
circumference at the base, weighing eleven pounds. But two or three
of these were killed by our party at this place, and of these the horns
were small. The use of these horns seems to be to protect the animal's
head in pitching down precipices to avoid pursuing wolves — their
only safety being in places where they cannot be followed. The bones
are very strong and solid, the marrow occupying but a very small por-
tion of the bone in the leg, about the thickness of a rye straw. The hair
is short, resembling the winter color of our common deer, which
it nearly approaches in size and appearance. Except in the horns, it
has no resemblance whatever to the goat. The longitude of this
place, resulting from chronometer and lunar distances, and an occul-
tation of e Arietis, is 107° 37' 27", and the latitude is 42° 33' 27". One
of our horses, which had given out, we left to receive strength on the
island, intending to take her, perhaps, on our return.
July 31. — This morning we left the course of the Platte, to cross
over to the Sweet Water. Our way for a few miles lay up the sandy
bed of a dry creek, in which I found several interesting plants. Leav-
ing this we wound our way to the summit of the hills, of which the
peaks are here eight hundred feet above the Platte, bare and rocky.
A long and gradual slope led from these hills to the Sweet Water,
which we reached in fifteen miles from Goat Island. I made an
early encampment here, in order to give the hunters an opportunity
to procure a supply from several bands of buffalo, which made their
appearance in the valley near by. The stream here is about sixty feet
wide, and at this time twelve to eighteen inches deep, with a very
moderate current.
The adjoining prairies are sandy; but the immediate river bottom
is good soil, which afforded an abundance of soft green grass to
245
m^mw
OS
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:i:
246
our horses, and where I found a variety of interesting plants, which
made their appearance for the first time. A rain to-night made it un-
pleasantly cold ; and there was no tree here, to enable us to pitch our
single tent, the poles of which had been left at Cache camp. We
had, therefore, no shelter except what was to be found under cover
of the abs'mthe bushes, which grew in many thick patches, one or
two and sometimes three feet high.
August 1. — The hunters went ahead this morning, as buffalo ap-
peared tolerably abundant, and I was desirous to secure a small
stock of provisions, and we moved about seven miles up the valley,
and encamped one mile below Rock Independence. This is an iso-
lated granite rock, about six hundred and fifty yards long, and forty
in height. Except in a depression of the summit, where a little soil
supports a scanty growth of shrubs, with a solitary dwarf pine, it is
entirely bare. Everywhere within six or eight feet of the ground,
where the surface is sufficiently smooth, and in some places sixty or
eighty feet above, the rock is inscribed with the names of travellers.
Many a name famous in the history of this country, and some well-
known to science, are to be found mixed among those of the traders
and of travellers for pleasure and curiosity, and of missionaries
among the savages. Some of these have been washed away by the
rain, but the greater number are still very legible.^^ The position of
this rock is in longitude 107° 56', latitude 42° 29' 36". We remained
at our camp of August 1st until noon of the next day, occupied in
drying meat. By observation, the longitude of the place is 107° 55',
latitude 42° 29' 56".
August 2. — Five miles above Rock Independence we came to a
place called the Devil's Gate, where the Sweet Water cuts through
the point of a granite ridge. The length of the passage is about three
hundred yards, and the width thirty-five yards. The walls of rock
are vertical, and about four hundred feet in height; and the stream
in the gate is almost entirely choked up by masses which have
fallen from above. In the wall, on the right bank, is a dike of trap
rock, cutting through a fine-grained gray granite. Near the point of
this ridge crop out some strata of the valley formation, consisting of
a grayish micaceous sandstone, and fine-grained conglomerate, and
marl. We encamped eight miles above the Devil's Gate, of which
56. Independence Rock, on Wyoming state highway 220, is now protected
from the further carving of graffiti by a strong steel fence.
247
248
a view is given in the annexed plate [p. 248].'" There was no timber
of any kind on the river, but good fires were made of drift wood,
aided by the bois de vache.
We had tonight no shelter from the rain, which commenced with
squalls of wind about sunset. The country here is exceedingly pictur-
esque. On either side of the valley, which is four or five miles broad,
the mountains rise to the height of twelve and fifteen hundred, or
two thousand feet. On the south side, the range appears to be tim-
bered, and to-night is luminous with fires, probably the work of the
Indians, who have just passed through the valley. On the north,
broken and granite masses rise abruptly from the green sward of the
river, terminating in a line of broken summits. Except in the crevices
of the rock, and here and there on a ledge or bench of the moun-
tain, where a few hardy pines have clustered together, these are per-
fectly bare and destitute of vegetation.
Among these masses, where there are sometimes isolated hills and
ridges, green valleys open in upon the river, which sweeps the base
of these mountains for thirty-six miles. Everywhere its deep verdure
and profusion of beautiful flowers is in pleasing contrast with the
sterile grandeur of the rock and the barrenness of the sandy plain,
which, from the right bank of the river, sweeps up to the mountain
range that forms its southern boundary. The great evaporation on
the sandy soil of this elevated plain, and the saline efflorescences
which whiten the ground, and shine like lakes reflecting the sun,
make a soil wholly unfit for cultivation.
August 3. — We were early on the road the next morning, travel-
ling along the upper part of the valley, which is overgrown with
artemisia. Scattered about on the plain are occasional small isolated
hills. One of these which I examined, about fifty feet high, con-
sisted of white clay and marl, in nearly horizontal strata. Several
bands of buffalo made their appearance to-day, with herds of ante-
lope; and a grizzly bear — the only one we encountered during the
journey — was seen scrambling up among the rocks. As we passed
57. The name Devil's Gate apparently was quite new. Father De Smet
went to the mountains in 1840 without mentioning it, but on his second
journey, in a letter dated 16 Aug. 1841, he said that "travellers have named
this spot the Devil's Entrance" (quoted from anderson, 182n). The appella-
tion, Devil's Gate, came into use soon after the appearance of JCF's Report.
The view of the formation in this edition (see p. 248) may derive from a
daguerreotype, although Preuss did not think that JCF had produced any
good plates when he set up his equipment here.
249
over a slight rise near the river, we caught the first view of the Wind
River mountains, appearing at this distance of about seventy miles,
to be a low and dark mountainous ridge. The view dissipated in a
moment the pictures which had been created in our minds, by many
descriptions of travellers, who have compared these mountains to the
Alps in Switzerland; and speak of the glittering peaks which rise
in icy majesty amidst the eternal glaciers nine or ten thousand feet
into the region of eternal snows.^^ The nakedness of the river was
relieved by groves of willows, where we encamped at night, after a
march of twenty-six miles; and numerous bright-colored flowers had
made the river bottom look gay as a garden. We found here a horse,
which had been abandoned by the Indians, because his hoofs had
been so much worn that he was unable to travel; and, during the
night, a dog came into the camp.
August 4.— Our camp was at the foot of the Granite mountains,
which we climbed this morning to take some barometrical heights;
and here among the rocks was seen the first magpie. On our return,
we saw one at the mouth of the Platte river. We left here one of our
horses, which was unable to proceed farther. A few miles from the
encampment we left the river, which makes a bend to the south, and
traversing an undulating country, consisting of a grayish micaceous
sandstone and fine-grained conglomerates, struck it again, and en-
camped after a journey of twenty-five miles. Astronomical observa-
tions placed us in latitude 42° 32' 30".
August 5.— The morning was dark, with a driving rain, and dis-
agreeably cold. We continued our route as usual, but the weather
became so bad that we were glad to avail ourselves of the shelter
offered by a small island, about ten miles above our last encamp-
ment, which was covered with a dense growth of willows. There
was fine grass for our animals, and the timber afforded us com-
fortable protection and good fires. In the afternoon the sun broke
58. Deleted from the manuscript draft here: "As we had been drawing
nearer to the mountains, Mr. Preuss had kept constandy before his mmd
the moment in which he had first seen the Alps; when, turning a corner of the
Jura between Basle and Tololburn, the whole ridge, from Mt. Blanc to the
Tyrolese Alps, burst upon his view in the glory of a bright sunshine, and his
disappointment | in seeing the Wind River Mountains] was proportionably
great." In his diary entry for 4 Aug., Preuss mentions his experience in the
Alps and is predictably disdainful of the Rockies. "An American has
measured them to be as high as 25,000 feet. I'll be hanged if they are half as
high, yea, if they are 8,000 feet high" (preuss, 33).
250
through the clouds for a short time, and the barometer at 5 P. M.,
was at 23.713, the thermometer at 60°, with the wind strong from
the northwest. We availed ourselves of the fine weather to make ex-
cursions in the neighborhood. The river, at this place, is bordered
by hills of the valley formation. They are of moderate height, one of
the highest peaks on the right bank being, according to the barom-
eter, one hundred and eighty feet above the river. On the left bank
they are higher. They consist of a fine white clayey sandstone, a
white calcareous sandstone, and coarse sandstone or puddingstone.
August 6. — It continued steadily raining all the day; but, notwith-
standing, we left our encampment in the afternoon. Our animals
had been much refreshed by their repose, and an abundance of rich,
soft grass, which had been much improved by the rains. In about
three miles, we reached the entrance of a hanyon, where the Sweet
Water issues upon the more open valley we had passed over. Im-
mediately at the entrance, and superimposed directly upon the
granite are strata of compact, calcareous sandstone and chert, alter-
nating with fine white and reddish white, and fine gray and red
sandstones. These strata dip to the eastward at an angle of about 18°,
and form the western limit of the sandstone and limestone forma-
tions on the line of our route. Here we entered among the primitive
rocks. The usual road passes to the right of this place, but we wound,
or rather scrambled, our way up the narrow valley for several hours.
Wildness and disorder were the character of this scenery. The river
had been swollen by the late rains, and came rushing through with
an impetuous current, three or four feet deep, and generally twenty
yards broad. The valley was sometimes the breadth of the stream,
and sometimes opened into little green meadows, sixty yards wide,
with open groves of aspen. The stream was bordered throughout
with aspen, beech, and willow; and tall pines grew on the sides and
summits of the crags. On both sides, the granite rocks rose precip-
itously to the height of three hundred and five hundred feet, termi-
nating in jagged and broken pointed peaks; and fragments of fallen
rock lay piled up at the foot of the precipices. Gneiss, mica slate, and
a white granite, were among the varieties I noticed. Here were many
old traces of beaver on the stream, remnants of dams, near which
were lying trees, which they had cut down, one and two feet in
diameter. The hills entirely shut up the river at the end of about
five miles, and we turned up a ravine that led to a high prairie,
which seemed to be the general level of the country. Hence, to the
251
summit of the ridge, there is a regular and very gradual rise. Blocks
of granite were piled up at the heads of the ravines, and small bare
knolls of mica slate and milky quartz protruded at frequent inter-
vals on the prairie, which was whitened in occasional spots with
small salt lakes where the water had evaporated, and left the bed
covered with a shining incrustation of salt. The evening was very
cold, a northwest wind driving a fine rain in our faces, and at night-
fall we descended to a little stream on which we encamped, about
two miles from the Sweet Water. Here had recently been a very
large camp of Snake and Crow Indians, and some large poles lying
about afforded the means of pitching a tent, and making other
places of shelter. Our fires to-night were made principally of the
dry branches of the artemisia, which covered the slopes. It burns
quickly, with a clear oily flame, and makes a hot fire. The hills here
are composed of hard, compact mica slate, with veins of quartz.
August 7. — We left our encampment with the rising sun. As we
rose from the bed of the creek, the snow line of the mountains
stretched grandly before us, the white peaks glittering in the sun.
They had been hidden in the dark weather of the last few days, and
it had been snowing on them, while it rained in the plains. We
crossed a ridge, and again struck the Sweet Water; here, a beautiful
swift stream, with a more open valley, timbered with beech and
Cottonwood. It now began to lose itself in the many small forks
which make its head, and we continued up the main stream until
near noon, when we left it a few miles to make our noon halt on a
small creek among the hills, from which the stream issues by a small
opening. Within was a beautiful grassy spot, covered with an open
grove of large beech trees, among which I found several plants that
I had not previously seen.
The afternoon was cloudy, with squalls of rain; but the weather
became fine at sunset, when we again encamped on the Sweet
Water, within a few miles of the South Pass. The country, over
which we have passed to-day, consists principally of the compact
mica slate, which crops out on all ridges, making the uplands very
rocky and slaty. In the escarpments which border the creeks, it is
seen alternating with a light-colored granite, at an inclination of
45°; the beds varying in thickness from two or three feet to six or
eight hundred. At a distance, the granite frequently has the appear-
ance of irregular lumps of clay, hardened by exposure. A variety of
asters may now be numbered among the characteristic plants, and
252
the artemisia continues in full glory; but cacti have become rare,
and mosses begin to dispute the hills with them. The evening was
damp and unpleasant, the thermometer at 10 o'clock being at 36°,
and the grass wet with a heavy dew. Our astronomical observations
placed this encampment in longitude 109° 51' 29'', and latitude
42° 2/ 15".
Early in the morning we resumed our journey, the weather still
cloudy, with occasional rain. Our general course was west, as I had
determined to cross the dividing ridge by a bridle path among the
broken country more immediately at the foot of the mountains, and
return by the wagon road two and a half miles to the south of the
point where the trail crosses.
About six miles from our encampment brought us to the sum-
mit.'^'' The ascent had been so gradual that, with all the intimate
knowledge possessed by Carson, who had made this country his
home for seventeen years, we were obliged to watch very closely
to find the place at which we had reached the culminating point.
This was between two low hills, rising on either hand fifty or sixty
feet. When I looked back at them, from the foot of the immediate
slope on the western plain, their summits appeared to be about one
hundred and twenty feet above. From the impression on my mind
at this time, and subsequently on our return, I should compare the
elevation which we surmounted at the pass, to the ascent of the
Capitol hill from the avenue, at Washington. It is difficult for me to
fix positively the breadth of this pass. From the broken ground
where it commences, at the foot of the Wind River chain, the view
to the southeast is over a champaign country, broken, at the distance
of nineteen miles, by the Table Rock ; which, with the other isolated
hills in its vicinity, seems to stand on a comparative plain. This I
judged to be its termination, the ridge recovering its rugged charac-
ter with the Table Rock. It will be seen that it in no manner re-
sembles the places to which the term is commonly applied — nothing
of the gorge-like character and winding ascents of the Allegany
[sic^^ passes in America, nothing of the Great St. Bernard and Sim-
plon passes in Europe. Approaching it from the mouth of the Sweet
Water, a sandy plain, one hundred and twenty miles long, conducts,
59. South Pass is not so much a place as an area. JCF is crossing it at the
very southern extremity of the Wind River chain. Nfociern travelers who pull
off of Wyoming state highway 220 to read the markers erected by the state,
and by the National Park Service, are seven to ten miles south of his route.
253
by a gradual and regular ascent, to the summit, about seven thou-
sand feet above the sea ; and the traveller, without being reminded
of any change by toilsome ascents, suddenly finds himself on the
waters which flow to the Pacific ocean. By the route we had
travelled, the distance from Fort Laramie is three hundred and
twenty miles, or nine hundred and fifty from the mouth of the
Kanzas.
Continuing our march, we reached, in eight miles from the pass,
the Little Sandy, one of the tributaries of the Colorado, or Green
river of the Gulf of California.^" The weather had grown fine dur-
ing the morning, and we remained here the rest of the day, to dry
our baggage and take some astronomical observations. The stream
was about forty feet wide, and two or three deep, with clear water
and a full swift current, over a sandy bed. It was timbered with a
growth of low, bushy and dense willows, among which were little
verdant spots, which gave our animals fine grass, and where I found
a number of interesting plants. Among the neighboring hills I no-
ticed fragments of granite containing magnetic iron. Longitude of
the camp was 110° 07' 46", and latitude 42° 2/ 34".
August 9. — We made our noon halt today on Big Sandy, another
tributary of Green river. The face of the country traversed was of a
brown sand of granite materials, the detritus of the neighboring
mountains. Strata of the milky quartz cropped out, and blocks of
granite were scattered about containing magnetic iron. On Sandy
creek the formation was of parti-colored sand, exhibited in escarp-
ments fifty to eighty feet high. In the afternoon we had a severe
storm of hail, and encamped at sun set on the first New Fork [East
Fork River]. Within the space of a few miles, the Wind mountains
supply a number of tributaries to Green river, which are all called
the New Forks. Near our camp were two remarkable isolated hills,
one of them sufficiently large to merit the name of mountain.*^^ They
are called the Two Buttes, and will serve to identify the place of our
encampment, which the observations of the evening placed in longi-
60. Now JCF has left the wagon trail and struck off to the northwest, to
reconnoiter the Wind River Mountains. His camp on the Little Sandy, ignor-
ing his usually faulty astronomical observations, is probably southeast of
Little Prospect Mountain.
61. But now called Fremont Butte, and located about seven miles south
of Boulder Lake.
254
tude 110° 29' \r\ and latitude 42° 42M6". On the right bank of the
stream, opposite to the large hill, the strata which are displayed con-
sist of decomposing granite, which supplies the brown sand of
which the face of the country is composed to a considerable depth.
August 10. — The air at sunrise is clear and pure, and the morning
extremely cold, but beautiful. A lofty snow peak of the mountain
is glittering in the first rays of the sun, which has not yet reached us.
The long mountain wall to the east, rising two thousand feet
abruptly from the plain, behind which we see the peaks, is still dark,
and cuts clear against the glowing sky. A fog, just risen from the
river, lies along the base of the mountain. A little before sunrise,
the thermometer was at 35°, and at sunrise })1>^ . Water froze last
night, and fires are very comfortable. The scenery becomes hourly
more interesting and grand, and the view here is truly magnificent;
but, indeed, it needs something to repay the long prairie journey of
a thousand miles. The sun has just shot above the wall, and makes
a magical change. The whole valley is glowing and bright, and all
the mountain peaks are gleaming like silver. Though these snow
mountains are not the Alps, they have their own character of gran-
deur and magnificence, and will doubtless find pens and pencils to do
them justice. In the scene before us we feel how much wood im-
proves a view. The pines on the mountain seemed to give it much
additional beauty. I was agreeably disappointed in the character of
the streams on this side of the ridge. Instead of the creeks which
description had led me to expect, I find bold broad streams, with
three or four feet water, and a rapid current. The fork on which we
are encamped is upwards of a hundred feet wide, timbered with
groves or thickets of the low willow. We were now approaching the
loftiest part of the Wind River chain; and I left the valley a few
miles from our encampment, intending to penetrate the mountains
as far as possible with the whole party. We were soon involved in
very broken ground, among long ridges covered with fragments of
granite. Winding our way up a long ravine, we came unexpectedly
in view of a most beautiful lake, set like a gem in the mountains.
The sheet of water lay transversely across the direction we had been
pursuing; and, descending the steep, rocky ridge, where it was nec-
essary to lead our horses, we followed its banks to the southern ex-
tremity. Here a view of the utmost magnificence and grandeur burst
upon our eyes. With nothing between us and their feet to lessen the
255
effect of the whole height, a grand bed of snow-capped mountains
rose before us, pile upon pile, glowing in the bright light of an Au-
gust day. Immediately below them lay the lake between two ridges
covered with dark pines, which swept down from the main chain
to the spot where we stood. Here, where the lake glittered in the
open sunlight, its banks of yellow sand and the light foliage of aspen
groves contrasted well with the gloomy pines. "Never before," said
Mr, Preuss, "in this country or in Europe, have I seen such mag-
nificent, grand rocks." I was so much pleased with the beauty of the
place, that I determined to make the main camp here, where our
animals would find good pasturage, and explore the mountains with
a small party of men. Proceeding a little further, we came suddenly
upon the outlet of the lake where it found its way through a narrow
passage between low hills. Dark pines which overhung the stream
and masses of rock where the water foamed along, gave it much
romantic beauty. Where we crossed, which was immediately at the
outlet, it is two hundred and fifty feet wide, and so deep, that with
difficulty we were able to ford it. Its bed was an accumulation of
rocks, boulders, and broad slabs, and large angular fragments,
among which the animals fell repeatedly.
The current was very swift, and the water cold and of a crystal
purity. In crossing this stream, I met with a great misfortune in hav-
ing my barometer broken. It was the only one; a great part of the
interest of the journey for me was in the exploration of these moun-
tains, of which so much had been said that was doubtful and con-
tradictory; and now their snowy peaks rose majestically before
me, and the only means of giving them authentically to science, the
object of my anxious solicitude by night and day, was destroyed. We
had brought this barometer in safety a thousand miles, and broke it
almost among the snow of the mountains. The loss was felt by the
whole camp — all had seen my anxiety, and aided me in preserving
it; the height of these mountains, considered by the hunters and
traders the highest in the whole range, had been a theme of constant
discussion among them; and all had looked forward with pleasure
to the moment when the instrument, which they believed to be true
as the sun, should stand upon the summits, and decide their disputes.
Their grief was only inferior to my own.
This lake is about three miles long, and of very irregular width,
and apparently great depth, and is the head water of the third New
Fork, a tributary to Green river, the Colorado of the West. On the
256
I
map and in the narrative, I have called it Mountain lake. " I en-
camped on the north side, about three hundred and fifty yards from
the outlet. This was the most western point at which I obtained
astronomical observations, by which this place, called Bernier's en-
campment, is made in 110° 37' 25" west longitude from Greenwich,
and latitude 42° 49' 49". The mountain peaks, as laid down, were
fixed by bearings from this and other astronomical points. We had
no other compass than the small ones used in sketching the country;
but from an azimuth, in which one of them was used, the variation
of the compass is 18° east. The correction made in our field work by
the astronomical observations indicates that this is a very correct
observation.
As soon as the camp was formed, I set about endeavoring to repair
my barometer. As I have already said, this was a standard cistern
barometer, of Troughton's construction. The glass cistern had been
broken about midway; but as the instrument had been kept in a
proper position, no air had found its way into the tube, the end of
which had always remained covered. I had with me a number of
vials of tolerably thick glass, some of which were of the same
diameter as the cistern, and I spent the day slowly working on these,
endeavoring to cut them of the requisite length; but as my instru-
ment was a very rough file, I invariably broke them. A groove was
cut in one of the trees, where the barometer was placed during the
night, to be out of the way of any possible danger, and in the morn-
ing I commenced again. Among the powder horns in the camp, I
found one which was very transparent, so that its contents could be
almost as plainly seen as through glass. This I boiled, and stretched
on a piece of wood to the requisite diameter, and scraped it very
thin, in order to increase to the utmost its transparency. I then se-
cured it firmly in its place on the instrument with strong glue, made
from a bufifalo, and filled it with mercury, properly heated. A piece
of skin, which had covered one of the vials, furnished a good pocket,
which was well secured with strong thread and glue, and then the
brass cover was screwed to its place. The instrument was left some
62. In the 1845 edition of his report, JCF says he called this body of water
Mountain Lake both on his map and in his narrative. None of his maps
carries this legend, but judging from the description of the lake and from his
position at the time, it can only be Boulder Lake— lying transversely across
his route between T. 33 N. and T. 34 N. It is about seven air-line miles east
of Pinedale, Wyo.
257
time to dry, and when I reversed it, a few hours after, I had the
satisfaction to find it in perfect order; its indications being about the
same as on the other side of the lake, before it had been broken. Our
success in this Httle incident diffused pleasure throughout the camp,
and we immediately set about our preparations for ascending the
mountains.
As will be seen, on reference to a map, on this short mountain
chain are the head waters of four great rivers of the continent;
namely, the Colorado, Columbia, Missouri, and Platte rivers. It had
been my design, after having ascended the mountains, to continue
our route on the western side of the range, and crossing through a
pass at the northwestern end of the chain, about thirty miles from
our present camp, return along the eastern slope, across the heads
of the Yellowstone river, and join on the line to our station of Au-
gust 7, immediately at the foot of the ridge. In this way I should
be enabled to include the whole chain, and its numerous waters, in
my survey; but various considerations induced me, very reluctantly,
to abandon this plan.
I was desirous to keep strictly within the scope of my instructions,
and it would have required ten or fifteen additional days for the
accomplishment of this object; our animals had become very much
worn out with the length of the journey; game was very scarce; and,
though it does not appear in the course of the narrative, as I have
avoided dwelling upon trifling incidents not connected with the
objects of this expedition, the spirits of the men had been much
exhausted by the hardships and privations to which they had been
subjected. Our provisions had well nigh all disappeared. Bread had
been long out of the question, and of all our stock we had remaining
two or three pounds of coffee, and a small quantity of macaroni,
which had been husbanded with great care for the mountain expedi-
tion we were about to undertake. Our daily meal consisted of dry
buffalo meat, cooked in tallow; and, as we had not dried this with
Indian skill, part of it was spoiled; and what remained of good, was
as hard as wood, having much the taste and appearance of so many
pieces of bark. Even of this our stock was rapidly diminishing in a
camp which was capable of consuming two buffaloes in every
twenty-four hours. These animals had entirely disappeared, and it
was not probable that we should fall in with them again until we
returned to the Sweet Water.
Our arrangements for the ascent were rapidly completed; we
258
were in a hostile country, which rendered the greatest vigilance and
circumspection necessary. The pass at the north end of the moun-
tain was generally infested by Blackfeet, and immediately opposite
was one of their forts, on the edge of a little thicket, two or three
hundred feet from our encampment. We were posted in a grove of
beech, on the margin of the lake, and a few hundred feet long, with
a narrow prairillon on the inner side, bordered by the rocky ridge.
In the upper end of this grove we cleared a circular space about forty
feet in diameter, and with the felled timber and interwoven
branches surrounded it with a breastwork five feet in height. A gap
was left for a gate on the inner side, by which the animals were to be
driven in and secured, while the men slept around the little work.
It was half hidden by the foliage; and garrisoned by twelve resolute
men, would have set at defiance any band of savages which might
chance to discover them in the interval of our absence. Fifteen of the
best mules, with fourteen men, were selected for the mountain
party. Our provisions consisted of dried meat for two days, with
our little stock of cofiFee and some macaroni. In addition to the
barometer and a thermometer, I took with me a sextant and spy
glass, and we had, of course, our compasses. In charge of the camp I
left Bernier, one of my most trustworthy men, who possessed the
most determined courage.
August 12. — Early in the morning we left the camp, fifteen in
number, well armed of course, and mounted on our best mules. A
pack animal carried our provisions, with a coffee pot and kettle,
and three or four tin cups. Every man had a blanket strapped over
his saddle to serve for his bed, and the instruments were carried by
turns on their backs. We entered directly on rough and rocky
ground; and, just after crossing the ridge, had the good fortune to
shoot an antelope. We heard the roar, and had a glimpse of a water-
fall as we rode along; and crossing in our way two fine streams,
tributary to the Colorado, in about two hours' ride we reached the
top of the first row or range of mountains. Here, again, a view of
the most romantic beauty met our eyes. It seemed as if, from the
vast expanse of uninteresting prairie we had passed over, nature had
collected all her beauties together in one chosen place. We were
overlooking a deep valley, which was entirely occupied by three
lakes, and from the brink the surrounding ridges rose precipitously
five hundred and a thousand feet, covered with the dark green of
the balsam pine, relieved on the border of the lake with the light
259
foliage of the aspen. They all communicated with each other, and
the green of the waters, common to mountain lakes of great depth,
showed that it would be impossible to cross them. The surprise
manifested by our guides when these impassable obstacles suddenly
barred our progress, proved that they were among the hidden
treasures of the place, unknown even to the wandering trappers of
the region. Descending the hill, we proceeded to make our way
along the margin of the southern extremity. A narrow strip of angu-
lar fragments of rock sometimes afforded a rough pathway for our
mules, but generally we rode along the shelving side, occasionally
scrambling up at a considerable risk of tumbling back into the lake.
The slope was frequently 60°; the pines grew densely together,
and the ground was covered with the branches and trunks of trees.
The air was fragrant with the odor of the pines; and I realized
this delightful morning the pleasure of breathing that mountain air
which makes a constant theme of the hunter's praise, and which
now made us feel as if we had all been drinking some exhilarating
gas. The depths of this unexplored forest were a place to delight
the heart of a botanist. There was a rich undergrowth of plants,
and numerous gay-colored flowers in brilliant bloom. We reached
the outlet at length, where some freshly barked willows that lay
in the water showed that beaver had been recently at work. There
were some small brown squirrels jumping about in the pines, and a
couple of large mallard ducks swimming about in the stream.
The hills on this southern end were low, and the lake looked like
a mimic sea, as the waves broke on the sandy beach in the force of
a strong breeze. There was a pretty, open spot, with fine grass for
our mules, and we made our noon halt on the beach, under the
shade of some large hemlocks. We resumed our journey after a halt
of about an hour, making our way up the ridge on the western side
of the lake. In search of smoother ground, we rode a little inland;
and, passing through groves of aspen, soon found ourselves again
among the pines. Emerging from these, we struck the summit of
the ridge above the upper end of the lake.
We had reached a very elevated point, and in the valley be-
low, and among the hills, were a number of lakes at different
levels; some two or three hundred feet above others, with which
they communicated by foaming torrents. Even to our great height
the roar of the cataracts came up, and we could see them leaping
down in lines of snowy foam. From this scene of busy waters, we
260
turned abruptly into the stillness of a forest, where we rode among
the open bolls of the pines, over a lawn of verdant grass, having
strikingly the air of cultivated grounds. This led us, after a time,
among masses of rock which had no vegetable earth but in hollows
and crevices, though still the pine forest continued. Toward evening,
we reached a defile, or rather a hole in the mountains, entirely shut
in by dark pine-covered rocks.
A small stream, with a scarcely perceptible current, flowed
through a level bottom of perhaps eighty yards width, where the
grass was saturated with water. Into this the mules were turned, and
were neither hobbled nor picketed during the night, as the fine
pasturage took away all temptation to stray; and we made our
bivouac in the pines. The surrounding masses were all of granite.
While supper was being prepared, I set out on an excursion in the
neighborhood, accompanied by one of my men. We wandered
about among the crags and ravines until dark, richly repaid for our
walk by a fine collection of plants, many of them in full bloom.
Ascending a peak to find the place of our camp, we saw that the
little defile in which we lay communicated with the long green
valley of some stream, which, here locked up in the mountains,
far away to the south, found its way in a dense forest to the plains.
Looking along its upward course, it seemed to conduct, by a
smooth gradual slope, directly toward the peak, which, from long
consultation as we approached the mountain, we had decided to be
the highest of the range. Pleased with the discovery of so fine a road
for the next day, we hastened down to the camp, where we arrived
just in time for supper. Our table service was rather scant, and we
held the meat in our hands; and clean rocks made good plates, on
which we spread our macaroni. Among all the strange places on
which we had occasion to encamp during our long journey, none
have left so vivid an impression on my mind as the camp of this
evening. The disorder of the masses which surrounded us; the little
hole through which we saw the stars overhead; the dark pines where
we slept; and the rocks lit up with the glow of our fires, made a
night picture of very wild beauty.
August 13. — The morning was bright and pleasant, just cool
enough to make exercise agreeable, and we soon entered the defile I
had seen the preceding day. It was smoothly carpeted with a soft
grass, and scattered over with groups of flowers, of which yellow
was the predominant color. Sometimes we were forced by an occa-
261
sional difficult pass to pick our way on a narrow ledge along the side
of the defile, and the mules were frequently on their knees; but these
obstructions were rare, and we journeyed on in the sweet morning
air, delighted at our good fortune in having found such a beautiful
entrance to the mountains. This road continued for about three
miles, when we suddenly reached its termination in one of the grand
views which, at every turn, meet the traveller in this magnificent re-
gion. Here the defile up which we had travelled, opened out into a
small lawn, where, in a little lake, the stream had its source.
There were some fine asters in bloom, but all the flowering plants
appeared to seek the shelter of the rocks, and to be of lower growth
than below, as if they loved the warmth of the soil, and kept out of
the way of the winds. Immediately at our feet a precipitous descent
led to a confusion of defiles, and before us rose the mountains as we
have represented them in the annexed view. It is not by the splendor
of far off views, which have lent such a glory to the Alps, that these
impress the mind; but by a gigantic disorder of enormous masses,
and a savage sublimity of naked rock, in wonderful contrast with
innumerable green spots of a rich floral beauty, shut up in their
stern recesses. Their wildness seems well suited to the character of
the people who inhabit the country.
I determined to leave our animals here, and make the rest of our
way on foot. The peak appeared so near, that there was no doubt of
our returning before night, and a few men were left in charge of the
mules, with our provisions and blankets. We took with us nothing
but our arms and instruments, and as the day had become warm, the
greater part left our coats. Having made an early dinner, we started
again. We were soon involved in the most ragged precipices, nearing
the central chain very slowly, and rising but little. The first ridge hid
a succession of others, and when with great fatigue and difficulty we
had climbed up five hundred feet, it was but to make an equal de-
scent on the other side; all these intervening places were filled with
small deep lakes, which met the eye in every direction, descending
from one level to another, sometimes under bridges formed by huge
fragments of granite, beneath which was heard the roar of the water.
These constantly obstructed our path, forcing us to make long de-
tours; frequently obliged to retrace our steps, and frequently falling
among the rocks. Maxwell was precipitated toward the face of a
precipice, and saved himself from going over by throwing himself
flat on the ground. We clambered on, always expecting, with every
262
ridge that we crossed, to reach the foot of the peaks, and always dis-
appointed, until about 4 o'clock, when, pretty well worn out, we
reached the shore of a little lake, in which there was a rocky island,
and from which we obtained the view given in the frontispiece
[p. 264]. We remained here a short time to rest, and continued on
around the lake, which had in some places a beach of white sand,
and in others was bound with rocks, over which the way was diffi-
cult and dangerous, as the water from innumerable springs made
them very slippery.
By the time we had reached the further side of the lake, we found
ourselves all exceedingly fatigued, and much to the satisfaction of
the whole party, we encamped. The spot we had chosen was a broad
flat rock, in some measure protected from the winds by the sur-
rounding crags, and the trunks of fallen pines afforded us bright
fires. Near by was a foaming torrent, which tumbled into the little
lake about one hundred and fifty feet below us, and which, by way
of distinction, we have called Island lake.^'' We had reached the up-
per limit of the piney region ; as, above this point, no tree was to be
seen, and patches of snow lay everywhere around us on the cold sides
of the rocks. The flora of the region we had traversed since leaving
our mules was extremely rich and, among the characteristic plants,
the scarlet flowers of the dodecatheon detitatum everywhere met the
eye in great abundance. A small green ravine, on the edge of which
we were encamped, was filled with a profusion of alpine plants in
brillant bloom.*''' From barometrical observations, made during our
three days' sojourn at this place, its elevation above the Gulf of
Mexico is 10,000 feet.**-^ During the day, we had seen no sign of ani-
mal life; but among the rocks here, we heard what was supposed to
63. Island Lake is about eighteen air-line miles northeast of Pinedale. When
the senior editor followed JCF's route in May and June 1967, he left his
(JCF's) trail at Boulder Lake, bonney & bonney take up the trail here at
Island Lake, but his route between those two lakes is still conjectural. The
current map of the Bridger Division, Bridger National Forest, shows several
trails in the area between the two lakes, the most direct passing those lakes
now named George, Horseshoe, Barnes, Spruce, Chain, Polecreek, Nelson, and
Seneca. Here JCF is traveling almost due north. From Island Lake to the
peak which he climbs, we rely mainly on the observations of the Bonneys.
64. Added to this sentence in the manuscript draft: "among which a
beautiful auricula delighted us with the associations of civilization."
65. Deleted from the end of this sentence in the manuscript draft: "We
had nothing to eat tonight."
263
c
o
>
o
>
264
be the bleat of a young goat, which we searched for with hungry
activity, and found to proceed from a small animal of a gray color,
with short ears and no tail ; probably the Siberian squirrel. We saw a
considerable number of them, and with the exception of a small bird
like a sparrow, it is the only inhabitant of this elevated part of the
mountains. On our return, we saw, below this lake, large flocks of
the mountain goat. We had nothing to eat to-night. Lajeunesse, with
several others, took their guns, and sallied out in search of a goat;
but returned unsuccessful. At sunset, the barometer stood at 20.522;
the attached thermometer 50°. Here we had the misfortune to break
our thermometer, having now only that attached to the barometer.
I was taken ill shortly after we had encamped, and continued so
until late in the night, with violent headache and vomiting. This was
probably caused by the excessive fatigue I had undergone, and want
of food, and perhaps also in some measure, by the rarity of the air.
The night was cold, as a violent gale from the north had sprung up
at sunset, which entirely blew away the heat of the fires. The cold,
and our granite beds, had not been favorable to sleep, and we were
glad to see the face of the sun in the morning. Not being delayed by
any preparation for breakfast, we set out immediately.
On every side as we advanced was heard the roar of waters, and
of a torrent, which we followed up a short distance, until it ex-
panded into a lake about one mile in length. On the northern side
of the lake was a bank of ice, or rather of snow, covered with a crust
of ice. Carson had been our guide into the mountains, and agreeably
to his advice, we left this litde valley, and took to the ridges again ;
which we found extremely broken, and where we were again in-
volved among precipices. Here were ice fields, among which we
were all dispersed, seeking each the best path to ascend the peak. Mr.
Preuss attempted to walk along the upper edge of one of these fields,
which sloped away at an angle of about twenty degrees; but his feet
slipped from under him, and he went plunging down the plane. A
few hundred feet below, at the bottom, were some fragments of
sharp rock, on which he landed ; and though he turned a couple of
somersets, fortunately received no injury beyond a few bruises. Two
of the men, Clement Lambert and Descoteaux,*'*' had been taken ill.
66. This man, called de Couteau in preuss, 44, does not appear in the
vouchers or in JCF's roster of the party. He does appear, however, in a passage
deleted from the manuscript draft (note 8, above). A man of this name took
passage to St. Louis with Maximilian, Prince of Wied-Neuwied, at Fort Pierre
265
and laid down on the rocks a short distance below; and at this point
I was attacked with headache and giddiness, accompanied by vomit-
ing, as on the day before. Finding myself unable to proceed, I sent
the barometer over to Mr. Preuss, who was in a gap two or three
hundred yards distant, desiring him to reach the peak, if possible,
and take an observation there.*^^ He found himself unable to proceed
further in that direction, and took an observation, where the barom-
eter stood at 19.401 ; attached thermometer 50°, in the gap. Carson,
who had gone over to him, succeeded in reaching one of the snowy
summits of the main ridge, whence he saw the peak towards which
all our efforts had been directed, towering eight or ten hundred feet
into the air above him. In the mean time, finding myself grow rather
worse than better, and doubtful how far my strength would carry
me, I sent Basil Lajeunesse, with four men, iDack to the place where
the mules had been left.
We were now better acquainted with the topography of the coun-
try, and I directed him to bring back with him, if it were in any way
possible, four or five mules, with provisions and blankets. With me
were Maxwell and Ayot; and after we had remained nearly an hour
on the rock, it became so unpleasantly cold, though the day was
bright, that we set out on our return to the camp, at which we all
arrived safely, straggling in one after the other. I continued ill dur-
ing the afternoon, but became better towards sundown, when my
recovery was completed by the appearance of Basil and four men,
all mounted. The men who had gone with him had been too much
fatigued to return, and were relieved by those in charge of the
horses; but in his powers of endurance Basil resembled more a
mountain goat than a man. They brought blankets and provisions,
and we enjoyed well our dried meat and a cup of good coffee. We
rolled ourselves up in our blankets, and with our feet turned to a
blazing fire, slept soundly until morning.
August 15. — It had been supposed that we had finished with the
mountains; and the evening before, it had been arranged that Car-
in 1834, and brought a shipment of beaver skins down to Liberty, Mo. ( Maxi-
milian, 24:92-93, 117). In late 1842 or early 1843, a man referred to as
Michael Des Coteaux was wounded in a fray at Long Point, sometimes called
McKenzie's Point, near the mouth of the Cheyenne River (A. R. Bonis to
Andrew Drips, 18 April 1843, MoSHi — Drips Papers).
67. See preuss, 39-45, for his own account of the climb. He is sardonic,
as usual.
266
son should set out at daylight, and return to breakfast at the Camp
of the Mules, taking with him all but four or five men, who were to
stay with me and bring back the mules and instruments. Accordingly,
at the break of day they set out. With Mr. Preuss and myself re-
mained Basil Lajeunesse, Clement Lambert, Janisse, and Descoteaux.
When we had secured strength for the day by a hearty breakfast, we
covered what remained, which was enough for one meal, with rocks,
in order that it might be safe from any marauding bird; and, sad-
dling our mules, turned our faces once more towards the peaks. This
time we determined to proceed quietly and cautiously, deliberately
resolved to accomplish our object if it were within the compass of
human means. We were of opinion that a long defile which lay to
the left of yesterday's route would lead us to the foot of the main
peak.*^^ Our mules had been refreshed by the fine grass in the little ra-
vine at the island camp, and we intended to ride up the defile as far as
possible, in order to husband our strength for the main ascent. Though
this was a fine passage, still it was a defile of the most rugged moun-
tains known, and we had many a rough and steep slippery place to
cross before reaching the end. In this place the sun rarely shone,
snow lay along the border of the small stream which flowed through
it, and occasional icy passages made the footing of the mules very
insecure, and the rocks and ground were moist with the trickling
waters in this spring of mighty rivers. We soon had the satisfaction
to find ourselves riding along the huge wall which forms the central
summits of the chain. There at last it rose by our sides, a nearly per-
pendicular wall of granite, terminating 2,000 to 3,000 feet above our
heads in a serrated line of broken, jagged cones.^'' We rode on
until we came almost immediately below the main peak, which I
denominated the Snow Peak, as it exhibited more snow to the eye
than any of the neighboring summits. Here were three small lakes
[Titcomb Lakes] of a green color, each of perhaps a thousand yards
in diameter, and apparently very deep. These lay in a kind of chasm;
and, according to the barometer, we had attained but a few hundred
feet above the Island lake. The barometer here stood at 20.450, at-
tached thermometer 70°.
68. "The climber who will leave Island Lake and start for Woodrow Wil-
son [Peak] can follow this route all the way up the Titcomb Valley" (bon-
NEY & BONNEY, 98).
69. The west wall of Fremont, Sacagawea, and Helen peaks (bonney &
BONNEY, 98).
267
268
We managed to get our mules up to a little bench about a hun-
dred feet above the lakes, where there was a patch of good grass, and
turned them loose to graze. During our rough ride to this place,
they had exhibited a wonderful surefootedness. Parts of the defile
were filled with angular, sharp fragments of rock, three or four and
eight or ten feet cube; and among these they had worked their way,
leaping from one narrow point to another, rarely making a false
step, and giving us no occasion to dismount. Having divested our-
selves of every unnecessary encumbrance, we commenced the ascent.
This time, like experienced travellers, we did not press ourselves, but
climbed leisurely, sitting down so soon as we found breath begin-
ning to fail. At intervals we reached places where a number of
springs gushed from the rocks, and about 1,800 feet above the lakes
came to the snow line. From this point our progress was uninter-
rupted climbing. Hitherto I had worn a pair of thick moccasins,
with soles of parfleche; but here I put on a light thin pair, which I
had brought for the purpose, as now the use of our toes became
necessary to a further advance. I availed myself of a sort of comb of
the mountain, which stood against the wall like a buttress, and
which the wind and the solar radiation, joined to the steepness of the
smooth rock, had kept almost entirely free from snow. Up this I
made my way rapidly. Our cautious method of advancing in the
outset had spared my strength; and, with the exception of a slight
disposition to headache, I felt no remains of yesterday's illness. In a
few minutes we reached a point where the buttress was overhanging,
and there was no other way of surmounting the difficulty than by
passing around one side of it, which was the face of a vertical preci-
pice of several hundred feet.
Putting hands and feet in the crevices between the blocks, I suc-
ceeded in getting over it, and, when I reached the top, found my
companions in a small valley below. Descending to them, we con-
tinued climbing, and in a short time reached the crest. I sprang upon
the summit, and another step would have precipitated me into an
immense snow field five hundred feet below. To the edge of this
field was a sheer icy precipice; and then, with a gradual fall, the
field sloped of? for about a mile, until it struck the foot of another
lower ridge. I stood on a narrow crest, about three feet in width,
with an inclination of about 20° N. 51° E. As soon as I had gratified
the first feelings of curiosity I descended, and each man ascended in
his turn, for I would only allow one at a time to mount the unstable
269
and precarious slab, which it seemed a breath would hurl into the
abyss below. We mounted the barometer in the snow of the summit,
and fixing a ramrod in a crevice, unfurled the national flag to wave
in the breeze where never flag waved before/" During our morning's
ascent we had met no sign of animal life except the small sparrow-
like bird already mentioned. A stillness the most profound and a
terrible solitude forced themselves constantly on the mind as the
great features of the place. Here on the summit, where the stillness
was absolute, unbroken by any sound, and the solitude complete,
we thought ourselves beyond the region of animated life; but while
we were sitting on the rock a solitary bee {bromus, the bumble bee)
came winging his flight from the eastern valley, and lit on the knee
of one of the men.^^
It was a strange place, the icy rock and the highest peak of the
Rocky Mountains, for a lover of warm sunshine and flowers, and we
pleased ourselves with the idea that he was the first of his species to
cross the mountain barrier, a solitary pioneer to foretell the advance
of civilization. I believe that a moment's thought would have made
us let him continue his way unharmed, but we carried out the law of
this country, where all animated nature seems at war; and seizing
him immediately, put him in at least a fit place, in the leaves of a
large book, among the flowers we had collected on our way. The
barometer stood at 18.293, the attached thermometer at 44°, giving
for the elevation of this summit 13,570 feet above the Gulf of Mexico,
which may be called the highest flight of the bee. It is certainly the
highest known flight of that insect. From the description given by
Mackenzie^" of the mountains where he crossed them, with that of
70. He is not on Fremont Peak, but probably on one farther north which
the Bonneys call Woodrow Wilson Peak, just south of Gannett Peak. A party
of the American Alpine Club climbed the peak in 1951, checking JCF's
description of his ascent against their own observations, and concluded that
he could have been on no other peak in the area. The flag, which }CF pre-
sented to Jessie upon the birth of their daughter Elizabeth, was a special
variation on the usual stars and stripes. In addition to thirteen stripes and
twenty-six stars, it bore an American eagle holding arrows and an Indian
peace pipe in its claws. The flag is now in the Southwest Museum, Los
Angeles.
71. Bombus species, the bumblebee.
72. Sir Alexander Mackenzie (1755P-1820) was the first explorer to cross
the North American continent north of Mexico, making the trip in 1793. The
French officer of whom JCF speaks may be Gabriel Franchere (1786-1863),
one of the Astorians who reached the Columbia on the Tonqiun in 1811. He
270
a French officer still farther to the north, and Colonel Long's mea-
surements to the south, joined to the opinion of the oldest traders of
the country, it is presumed that this is the highest peak of the Rocky
Mountains." The day was sunny and bright, but a slight shining
mist hung over the lower plains, which interfered with our view of
the surrounding country. On one side we overlooked innumerable
lakes and streams, the spring of the Colorado of the Gulf of Cali-
fornia; and on the other was the Wind River valley, where were the
heads of the Yellowstone branch of the Missouri; far to the north,
we just could discover the snowy heads of the Trois Tetons, where
were the sources of the Missouri and Columbia rivers; and at the
southern extremity of the ridge the peaks were plainly visible,
among which were some of the springs of the Nebraska or Platte
river. Around us the whole scene had one main striking feature,
which was that of terrible convulsion. Parallel to its length, the ridge
was split into chasms and fissures; between which rose the thin lofty
walls, terminated with slender minarets and columns, which is cor-
rectly represented in the view from the camp on Island lake. Accord-
ing to the barometer, the little crest of the wall on which we stood
was three thousand five hundred and seventy feet above that place,
and two thousand seven hundred and eighty above the little lakes at
the bottom, immediately at our feet. Our camp at the Two Hills
(an astronomical station) bore south 3° east," which, with a bearing
afterward obtained from a fixed position, enabled us to locate the
peak. The bearing of the Trois Tetons was north 50° west, and the
returned by land to Montreal in 1814, crossing the main range of the Rockies
by way of Athabasca Pass. Franchere's journal was published in French and
in several English translations, beginning in 1820. Senator Benton, in a speech
on the Oregon question {Congressional Globe, 2S May 1846), acknowledged
having read it in French, and the chances are good that JCF had seen it,
perhaps in the Benton household. The mention of Major Long refers to
Stephen H. Long's reconnaissance of a part of the Front Range of the Rockies
in 1820.
73. An incautious statement, for the next peak to the north is higher, and
so are dozens of others in the Rockies. JCF's measurement of the peak at
about 13,500 feet is quite accurate, and it would have been impossible for him
to detect with the eye the fact that (rannett Peak is — at 13,785 feet — consider-
ably higher. This is especially true when Woodrow Wilson Peak is ascended
by the route which JCF used, and from which it appears to tower above
CJannett. At 14,431 feet, Mount Elbert in central Colorado is the highest peak
in the Rockies, but there are many more which exceed 14,000 feet.
74. "This bearing checks with Woodrow Wilson, but not with Fremont
Peak" (bonney & bonney, 99).
271
direction of the central ridge of the Wind River mountains south
39° east. The summit rock was gneiss, succeeded by syenitic gneiss.
Syenite and feldspar succeeded in our descent to the snow line,
where we found a feldspathic granite. I had remarked that the noise
produced by the explosion of our pistols had the usual degree of
loudness, but was not in the least prolonged, expiring almost in-
stantaneously. Having now made what observations our means af-
forded, we proceeded to descend. We had accomplished an object
of laudable ambition, and beyond the strict order of our instructions.
We had climbed the loftiest peak of the Rocky Mountains, and
looked down upon the snow a thousand feet below, and standing
where never human foot had stood before, felt the exultation of
first explorers. It was about 2 o'clock when we left the summit, and
when we reached the bottom the sun had already sunk behind the
wall, and the day was drawing to a close. It would have been pleas-
ant to have lingered here and on the summit longer, but we hurried
away as rapidly as the ground would permit, for it was an object to
regain our party as soon as possible, not knowing what accident the
next hour might bring forth.
We reached our deposit of provisions at nightfall. Here was not
the inn which awaits the tired traveller on his return from Mont
Blanc, or the orange groves of South America, with their refreshing
juices and soft fragrant air; but we found our little cache of dried
meat and coflFee undisturbed. Though the moon was bright, the
road was full of precipices, and the fatigue of the day had been great.
We therefore abandoned the idea of rejoining our friends, and lay
down on the rock, and, in spite of the cold, slept soundly.
August 16.— We left our encampment with the daylight. We saw
on our way large flocks of the mountain goat looking down on us
from the cliffs. At the crack of a rifle they would bound off among
the rocks, and in a few minutes make their appearance on some
lofty peak, some hundred or a thousand feet above. It is needless to
attempt any further description of the country; the portion over
which we travelled this morning was rough as imagination could
picture it, and to us seemed equally beautiful. A concourse of lakes
and rushing waters, mountains of rocks naked and destitute of vege-
table earth, dells and ravines of the most exquisite beauty, all kept
green and fresh by the great moisture in the air, and sown with
briUiant flowers, and every where thrown around all the glory of
272
most magnificent scenes; these constitute the features of the place,
and impress themselves vividly on the mind of the traveller. It wsls
not until 11 o'clock that we reached the place where our animals
had been left, when we first attempted the mountains on foot. Near
one of the still burning fires we found a piece of meat, which our
friends had thrown away, and which furnished us a mouthful — a
very scanty breakfast. We continued directly on, and reached our
camp on the mountain lake at dusk. We found all well. Nothing
had occurred to interrupt the quiet since our departure, and the fine
grass and good cool water had done much to re-establish our ani-
mals. All heard with great delight the order to turn our faces home-
ward; and toward sundown of the 17th, we encamped again at the
Two Buttes.
In the course of this afternoon's march, the barometer was broken
past remedy. I regretted it, as I was desirous to compare it again
with Dr. Engelman's barometers at St. Louis, to which mine were
referred ; but it had done its part well, and my objects were mainly
fulfilled.
August 19. — We left our camp on Little Sandy river about 7 in
the morning, and traversed the same sandy undulating country. The
air was filled with the turpentine scent of the various artemisias,
which are now in bloom, and numerous as they are, give much
gaiety to the landscape of the plains. At 10 o'clock, we stood exactly
on the divide in the pass, where the wagon road crosses, and descend-
ing immediately upon the Sweet Water, halted to take a meridian
observation of the sun. The latitude was 42° 24' 32".
In the course of the afternoon we saw buffalo again, and at our
evening halt on the Sweet Water, the roasted ribs again made their
appearance around the fires, and with them, good humor and laugh-
ter, and song were restored to the camp. Our coffee had been ex-
pended, but we now made a kind of tea from the roots of the wild
cherry tree.
August 23. — Yesterday evening we reached our encampment at
Rock Independence, where I took some astronomical observations.
Here, not unmindful of the custom of early travellers and explorers
in our country, I engraved on this rock of the Far West a symbol of
the Christian faith. Among the thickly inscribed names, I made on
the hard granite the impression of a large cross, which I covered
with a black preparation of India rubber, well calculated to resist
273
the influence of wind and rain. It stands amidst the names of many
who have long since found their way to the grave, and for whom the
huge rock is a giant grave stone.
One George Weymouth was sent out to Maine by the Earl of
Southampton, Lord Arundel, and others; and in the narrative of
their discoveries, he says: "The next day, we ascended in our pin-
nace, that part of the river which lies more to the westward, carrying
with us a cross — a thing never omitted by any Christian traveller —
which we erected at the ultimate end of our route." This was in the
year 1605, and in 1842 I obeyed the feeling of early travellers, and
left the impression of the cross deeply engraved on the vast rock one
thousand miles beyond the Mississippi, to which discoverers have
given the national name of Roc}{ Independence?''
In obedience to my instructions to survey the river Platte, if pos-
sible, I had determined to make an attempt at this place. The India-
rubber boat was filled with air, placed in the water, and loaded with
what was necessary for our operations; and I embarked with Mr.
Preuss and a party of men. When we had dragged our boat for a
mile or two over the sands, I abandoned the impossible undertaking,
and waited for the arrival of the party, when we packed up our boat
and equipage, and at 9 o'clock were again moving along on our land
journey. We continued along the valley on the right bank of the
Sweet Water, where the formation, as already described, consists of
a grayish micaceous sandstone, and fine-grained conglomerate, and
marl. We passed over a ridge which borders or constitutes the river
hills of the Platte, consisting of huge blocks sixty or eighty feet cube
of decomposing granite. The cement which united them was prob-
ably of easier decomposition, and has disappeared and left them iso-
late, and separated by small spaces. Numerous horns of the mountain
goat were lying among the rocks, and in the ravines were cedars,
whose trunks were of extraordinary size. From this ridge we de-
scended to a small open plain at the mouth of the Sweet Water,
which rushed with a rapid current into the Platte, here flowing
along in a broad, tranquil, and apparently deep stream, which
seemed, from its turbid appearance to be considerably swollen. I ob-
75. JCF's political opponents will later use this incident as evidence when
they "charge" him with being a Roman Catholic during the presidential cam-
paign of 1856.
274
tained here some astronomical observations, and the afternoon was
spent in getting our boat ready for navigation the next day.^^
August 24. — We started before sunrise, intending to breakfast at
Goat island. I had directed the land party, in charge of Bernier, to
proceed to this place, where they were to remain, should they find
no note to apprise them of our having passed. In the event of re-
ceiving this information, they were to continue their route, passing
by certain places which had been designated. Mr. Preuss accom-
panied me, and with us were five of my best men, viz: C. Lambert,
Basil Lajeunesse, Honore Ayot, Benoist, and Descoteaux. Here ap-
peared no scarcity of water, and we took on board, with various in-
struments and baggage, provisions for ten or twelve days. We
paddled down the river rapidly, for our little craft was light as a
duck on the water, and the sun had been some time risen, when we
heard before us a hollow roar, which we supposed to be that of a fall
of which we had heard a vague rumor, but whose exact locality no
one had been able to describe to us. We were approaching a ridge,
through which the river passes by a place called "canon" (pro-
nounced kanyon), a Spanish word, signifying a piece of artillery,
the barrel of a gun, or any kind of tube; and which, in this country,
has been adopted to describe the passage of a river between perpen-
dicular rocks of great height, which frequently approach each other
so closely overhead as to form a kind of tunnel over the stream,
which foams along below, half-choked up by fallen fragments. Be-
tween the mouth of the Sweet Water and Goat island, there is prob-
ably a fall of three hundred feet, and that was principally made in
the caiions before us; as without them, the water was comparatively
smooth. As we neared the ridge, the river made a sudden turn, and
swept squarely down against one of the walls of the caiion with a
great velocity and so steep a descent, that it had to the eye the ap-
pearance of an inclined plane. When we launched into this, the men
jumped overboard, to check the velocity of the boat, but were soon
in water up to their necks, and our boat ran on; but we succeeded in
bringing her to a small point of rocks on the right, at the mouth of
the caiion. Here was a kind of elevated sand beach, not many yards
square, backed by the rocks, and around the point the river swept at
76. The confluence of the Platte and the Sweetwater is now obscured by
the waters of the Pathfinder Reservoir.
275
a right angle. Trunks of trees deposited on jutting points twenty or
thirty feet above, and other marks, showed that the water here fre-
quently rose to a considerable height. The ridge was of the same
decomposing granite already mentioned, and the water had worked
the surface, in many places, into a wavy surface of ridges and holes.
We ascended the rocks to reconnoitre the ground, and from the sum-
mit the passage appeared to be a continued cataract foaming over
many obstructions, and broken by a number of small falls. We saw
nowhere a fall answering to that which had been described to us as
having twenty or twenty-five feet, but still concluded this to be the
place in question, as, in the season of floods, the rush of the river
against the wall would produce a great rise, and the waters reflected
squarely off, would descend through the passage in a sheet of foam,
having every appearance of a large fall. Eighteen years previous to
this time, as I have subsequently learned from himself, Mr. Fitzpat-
rick, somewhere above on this river, had embarked with a valuable
cargo of beaver. Unacquainted with the stream, which he believed
would conduct him safely to the Missouri, he came unexpectedly
into this caiion, where he was wrecked, with the total loss of his furs.
It would have been a work of great time and labor to pack our bag-
gage across the ridge, and I determined to run the canon. We all
again embarked, and at first attempted to check the way of the boat ;
but the water swept through with so much violence that we nar-
rowly escaped being swamped, and were obliged to let her go in the
full force of the current, and trust to the skill of the boatmen. The
dangerous places in this canon were where huge rocks had fallen
from above, and hemmed in the already narrow pass of the river to
an open space of three or four and five feet. These obstructions raised
the water considerably above, which was sometimes precipitated
over in a fall; and at other places, where this dam was too high,
rushed through the contracted opening with tremendous violence.
Had our boat been made of wood, in passing the narrows she would
have been staved ; but her elasticity preserved her unhurt from every
shock, and she seemed fairly to leap over the falls.
In this way we passed three cataracts in succession, where, perhaps,
a hundred feet of smooth water intervened ; and finally, with a shout
of pleasure at our success, issued from our tunnel into the open day
beyond. We were so delighted with the performance of our boat, and
so confident in her powers, that we would not have hesitated to leap
a fall of ten feet with her. We put to shore for breakfast at some wil-
276
lows on the right bank, immediately below the mouth of the canon;
for it was now eight o'clock, and we had been working since day-
light, and were all wet, fatigued, and hungry. While the men were
preparing breakfast, I went out to reconnoitre. The view was very
limited. The course of the river was smooth, so far as I could see; on
both sides were broken hills; and but a mile or two below was an-
other high ridge. The rock at the mouth of the canon was still the
decomposing granite, with great quantities of mica, which made a
very glittering sand.
We re-embarked at 9 o'clock, and in about twenty minutes reached
the next canon. Landing on a rocky shore at its commencement, we
ascended the ridge to reconnoitre. Portage was out of the question.
So far as we could see, the jagged rocks pointed out the course of the
caiion, on a winding line of seven or eight miles. It was simply a
narrow, dark chasm in the rock; and here the perpendicular faces
were much higher than in the previous pass, being at this end two
to three hundred, and further down, as we afterwards ascertained,
five hundred feet in vertical height. Our previous success had made
us bold, and we determined again to run the caiion. Every thing was
secured as firmly as possible; and, having divested ourselves of the
greater part of our clothing, we pushed into the stream. To save our
chronometer from accident, Mr. Preuss took it, and attempted to
proceed along the shore on the masses of rock, which in places were
piled up on either side; but, after he had walked about five minutes,
every thing like shore disappeared, and the vertical wall came
squarely down into the water. He, therefore, waited until we came
up. An ugly pass lay before us. We had made fast to the stern of the
boat a strong rope about fifty feet long; and three of the men clam-
bered along among the rocks, and with this rope let her down slowly
through the pass. In several places high rocks lay scattered about in
the channel; and in the narrows it required all our strength and skill
to avoid staving the boat on the sharp points. In one of these, the
boat proved a little too broad, and stuck fast for an instant, while the
water flew over us; fortunately it was but for an instant, as our
united strength forced her immediately through. The water swept
overboard only a sextant and a pair of saddle bags. I caught the sex-
tant as it passed by me; but the saddlebags became the prey of the
whirlpools. We reached the place where Mr. Preuss was standing,
took him on board, and, with the aid of the boat, put the men with
the rope on the succeeding pile of rocks. We found this passage much
277
worse than the previous one, and our position was rather a bad one.
To go back was impossible; before us the cataract was a sheet of
foam; and, shut up in the chasm by the rocks, which in some places
seemed almost to meet overhead, the roar of the water was deafen-
ing. We pushed off again; but, after making a little distance, the
force of the current became too great for the men on shore, and two
of them let go the rope. Lajeunesse, the third man, hung on, and
was jerked headforemost into the river from a rock above twelve
feet high; and down the boat shot like an arrow, Basil following us
in the rapid current, and exerting all his strength to keep in mid
channel — his head only seen occasionally like a black spot in the
white foam. How far we went I do not exactly know; but we suc-
ceeded in turning the boat into an eddy below. " 'Cre Dieu," said
Basil Lajeunesse, as he arrived immediately after us, "J^ crois bien
que j'ai nage un demi mile." He had owed his life to his skill as a
swimmer; and I determined to take him and the two others on
board, and trust to skill and fortune to reach the other end in safety.
We placed ourselves on our knees, with the short paddles in our
hands, the most skilful boatman being at the bow; and again we
commenced our rapid descent. We cleared rock after rock, and shot
past fall after fall, our little boat seeming to play with the cataract.
We became flushed with success and familiar with the danger; and,
yielding to the excitement of the occasion, broke forth together into
a Canadian boat song. Singing, or rather shouting, we dashed along;
and were, I believe, in the midst of the chorus, when the boat struck
a concealed rock immediately at the foot of a fall, which whirled her
over in an instant. Three of my men could not swim, and my first
feeling was to assist them, and save some of our effects; but a sharp
concussion or two convinced me that I had not yet saved myself.
A few strokes brought me to an eddy, and I landed on a pile of
rocks on the left side. Looking around, I saw that Mr. Preuss had
gained the shore on the same side, about twenty yards below; and a
little climbing and swimming soon brought him to my side. On the
opposite side against the wall, lay the boat bottom up; and Lambert
was in the act of saving Descoteaux, whom he had grasped by the
hair, and who could not swim ; "Lache pas," said he, as I afterward
learned, "lache pas, cher frere." "Grains pas," was the reply, "Je
m'en vais mourir avant que de te lacher." Such was the reply of
courage and generosity in this danger. For a hundred yards below,
the current was covered with floating books and boxes, bales of
278
blankets, and scattered articles of clothing; and so strong and boil-
ing was the stream, that even our heavy instruments, which were all
in cases, kept on the surface, and the sextant, circle, and the long
black box of the telescope, were in view at once. For a moment, I felt
somewhat disheartened. All our books; almost every record of the
journey — our journals and registers of astronomical and barometri-
cal observations — had been lost in a moment. But it was no time to
indulge in regrets; and I immediately set about endeavoring to save
something from the wreck. Making ourselves understood as well as
possible by signs, for nothing could be heard in the roar of waters,
we commenced our operations. Of every thing on board, the only
article that had been saved was my double-barrelled gun, which
Descoteaux had caught, and clung to with drowning tenacity. The
men continued down the river on the left bank. Mr. Preuss and my-
self descended on the side we were on; and Lajeunesse, with a pad-
dle in his hand, jumped on the boat alone, and continued down the
canon. She was now light, and cleared every bad place with much
less difficulty. In a short time, he was joined by Lambert; and the
search was continued for about a mile and a half, which was as far
as the boat could proceed in the pass.
Here the walls were about five hundred feet high, and the frag-
ments of rocks from above had choked the river into a hollow pass,
but one or two feet above the surface. Through this and the inter-
stices of the rock, the water found its way. Favored beyond our ex-
pectations, all of our registers had been recovered, with the exception
of my journals, which contained the notes and incidents of travel,
and topographical descriptions, a number of scattered astronomical
observations, principally meridian altitudes of the sun, and our
barometrical register west of Laramie. Fortunately, our other jour-
nals contained duplicates of the most important barometrical ob-
servations which had been taken in the mountains. These, with a
few scattered notes, were all that had been preserved of our meteor-
ological observations. In addition to these, we saved the circle; and
these, with a few blankets, constituted every thing that had been
rescued from the waters.
The day was running rapidly away, and it was necessary to reach
Goat island, whither the party had preceded us before night. In
this uncertain country, the traveller is so much in the power of
chance, that we became somewhat uneasy in regard to them. Should
anything have occurred, in the brief interval of our separation, to
279
prevent our rejoining them, our situation would be rather a desperate
one. We had not a morsel of provisions, our arms and ammunition
were gone; and we were entirely at the mercy of any straggling
party of savages, and not a little in danger of starvation. We there-
fore set out at once in two parties. Mr. Preuss and myself on the left,
and the men on the opposite side of the river. Climbing out of the
caiion, we found ourselves in a very broken country, where we were
not yet able to recognize any locality. In the course of our descent
through the canon, the rock, which at the upper end was of the de-
composing granite, changed into a varied sandstone formation. The
hills and points of the ridges were covered with fragments of a yel-
low sandstone, of which the strata were sometimes displayed in the
broken ravines which interrupted our course, and made our walk
extremely fatiguing. At one point of the caiion, the red argillaceous
sandstone rose in a wall of five hundred feet, surmounted by a
stratum of white sandstone, and in an opposite ravine a column of
red sandstone rose in form like a steeple, about one hundred and
fifty feet high. The scenery was extremely picturesque, and not-
withstanding our forlorn condition, we were frequently obliged to
stop and admire it. Our progress was not very rapid. We had
emerged from the water half naked, and on arriving at the top of
the precipice, I found myself with only one moccasin. The fragments
of rock made walking painful, and I was frequently obliged to stop
and pull out the thorns of the cactus, here the prevailing plant, and
with which a few minutes' walk covered the bottom of my feet.
From this ridge the river emerged into a smiling prairie, and de-
scending to the bank for water, we were joined by Benoist. The rest
of the party were out of sight, having taken a more inland route. We
crossed the river repeatedly, sometimes able to ford it, and some-
times swimming; climbed over the ridges of two more canons, and
towards evening reached the cut, which we here named the Hot
Spring Gate. On our previous visit in July we had not entered this
pass, reserving it for our descent in the boat; and when we entered
it this evening, Mr. Preuss was a few hundred feet in advance.
Heated with the long march, he came suddenly upon a fine bold
spring, gushing from the rock, about ten feet above the river. Eager
to enjoy the crystal water, he threw himself down for a hasty
draught, and took a mouthful of water almost boiling hot. He said
nothing to Benoist, who laid himself down to drink, but the steam
from the water arrested his eagerness, and he escaped the hot
280
draught. We had no thermometer to ascertain the temperature, but
I could hold my hand in the water just long enough to count two
seconds."^ There are eight or ten of these springs, discharging them-
selves by streams large enough to be called runs. A loud hollow
noise was heard from the rock, which I supposed to be produced
by the fall of the water. The strata immediately where they issue
is a fine white and calcareous sandstone, covered with an incrusta-
tion of common salt. Leaving this Thermopylae of the West, in a
short walk, we reached the red ridge which has been described as
lying just above Goat island. Ascending this we found some fresh
tracks and a button which showed that the other men had already
arrived. A shout from the man who first reached the top of the
ridge, responded to from below, informed us that our friends were
all on the island, and we were soon among them. We found some
pieces of buffalo standing around the fire for us, and managed to get
some dry clothes among the people. A sudden storm of rain drove
us into the best shelter we could find, where we slept soundly, after
one of the most fatiguing days I have ever experienced.
August 25. — Early this morning Lajeunesse was sent to the
wreck for the articles which had been saved, and about noon we
left the island. The mare which we had left here in July had much
improved in condition, and she served us well again for some time,
but was finally abandoned at a subsequent part of the journey. At
10 in the morning of the 26th we reached Cache camp, where we
found every thing undisturbed. We disinterred our deposit, arranged
our carts which had been left here on the way out, and travelling a
few miles in the afternoon, encamped for the night at the ford of
the Platte.
August 27. — At midday we halted at the place where we had
taken dinner on the 27th of July. The country, which when we
passed up looked as if the hard winter frosts had passed over it,
had now assumed a new face, so much of vernal freshness had been
given to it by the late rains. The Platte was exceedingly low, a mere
line of water among the sand bars. We reached Laramie fort on the
77. "About one mile above Goat Island I found a hot spring under the
rocks through which the Platte breaks its course. When I noticed it, I was
pleased at the chance of enjoying a clear cold drink; the water of the Platte
is always turbid. But how quickly did I withdraw my mouth! I did not tell
Benoit, who followed me; why should he not burn his lips a little, too?"
(PREUSS, 57).
281
last day of August, after an absence of forty-two days, and had the
pleasure to find our friends all well. The fortieth day had been
fixed for our return, and the quick eyes of the Indians, who were
on the lookout for us, discovered our flag as we wound among the
hills. The fort saluted us with repeated discharges of its single piece,
which we returned with scattered volleys of our small arms, and felt
the joy of a home reception in getting back to this remote station,
which seemed so far ofiF as we went out.
On the morning of the 3d of September we bade adieu to our
kind friends at the fort, and continued our homeward journey down
the Platte, which was glorious with the autumnal splendor of in-
numerable flowers in full and brilliant bloom. On the warm sands,
among the helianthi [sunflower], one of the characteristic plants,
we saw great numbers of rattlesnakes, of which five or six were
killed in the morning's ride. We occupied ourselves in improving
our previous survey of the river; and, as the weather was fine,
astronomical observations were generally made at night and at noon.
We halted for a short time in the afternoon of the 5th with a vil-
lage of Sioux Indians, some of whose chiefs we had met at Laramie.
The water in the Platte was extremely low, in many places the
large expanse of sands, with some occasional stunted trees on the
banks, gave it the air of the seacoast, the bed of the river being
merely a succession of sandbars, among which the channel was
divided into rivulets a few inches deep.''^ We crossed and recrossed
with our carts repeatedly and at our pleasure, and whenever an
obstruction barred our way, in the shape of precipitous bluffs that
came down upon the river, we turned directly into it, and made our
way along the sandy bed, with no other inconvenience than the fre-
quent quicksands, which greatly fatigued our animals. Disinterring
on the way the cache which had been made by our party when they
78. During this dull retracing of the outward trail, Preuss made an assess-
ment of their trip: "What has he really done. ... He has established some
latitudes and two longitudes — that is all. Collecting plants and minerals is
good and praiseworthy, but it is not part of the commission. If he had re-
turned south via the Arkansas, or north via the [Big] Horn and the Yellow-
stone, we could make an entirely different map. . . . He cannot quite
manage the sextant which is left . . ." (preuss, 65). But after he reaches
Grand Island, JCF will be covering new ground, at least for him, and prob-
ably doing as much justice to his commission as if he were striking out into
other territory. He is also laboring within a time schedule which Preuss does
not fully understand.
282
ascended the river, we reached without accident, on the evening of
the 12th of September, our old encampment of the 2d of July, at
the junction of the forks. Our cache of the barrel of pork was
found undisturbed, and proved a seasonable addition to our stock of
provisions. At this place I had determined to make another attempt
to descend the Platte by water, and accordingly spent two days in
the construction of a bull boat. Men were sent out on the evening
of our arrival, the necessary number of bulls killed, and their skins
brought to the camp. Four of the best of them were strongly sewed
together with buffalo sinew, and stretched over a basket frame of
willow. The seams were then covered with ashes and tallow, and
the boat left exposed to the sun for the greater part of one day,
which was sufficient to dry and contract the skin, and make the
whole work solid and strong. It had a rounded bow, was eight feet
long and five broad, and drew with four men about four inches
water. On the morning of the 15th we embarked in our hide boat,
Mr. Preuss and myself, with two men. We dragged her over the
sands for three or four miles, and then left her on a bar, and aban-
doned entirely all further attempts to navigate this river. The names
given by the Indians are always remarkably appropriate; and cer-
tainly none was ever more so than that which they have given to this
stream, "the Nebraska, or Shallow river." Walking steadily the re-
mainder of the day, a little before dark we overtook our people at
their evening camp, about twenty-one miles below the junction.
The next morning we crossed the Platte, and continued our way
down the river bottom on the left bank, where we found an ex-
cellent, plainly beaten road.
On the 18th we reached Grand island, which is fifty-two miles
long, with an average breadth of one mile and three quarters. It has
on it some small eminences, and is sufficiently elevated to be secure
from the annual floods of the river. As has been already remarked,
it is well timbered, with an excellent soil, and recommends itself
to notice as the best point for a military position on the Lower
Platte.
On the 22d we arrived at the village of the Grand Pawnees, on the
right bank of the river, about thirty miles above the mouth of the
Loup fork. They were gathering in their corn, and we obtained
from them a very welcome supply of vegetables.
The morning of the 24th we reached the Loup fork of the Platte.
At the place where we forded it, this stream was four hundred and
283
thirty yards broad, with a swift current of clear water, in this re-
spect differing from the Platte, which has a yellow muddy color,
derived from the limestone and marl formatiofi, of which we have
previously spoken. The ford was difficult, as the water was so deep
that it came into the body of the carts, and we reached the opposite
bank after repeated attempts, ascending and descending the bed of
the river in order to avail ourselves of the bars. We encamped on
the left bank of the fork, in the point of land at its junction with the
Platte. During the two days that we remained here for astronomical
observations, the bad weather permitted us to obtain but one good
observation for the latitude, a meridian latitude of the sun, which
gave for the latitude of the mouth of the Loup fork, 41° 22' U".
Five or six days previously, I had sent forward C. Lambert,
with two men, to Bellevue, with directions to ask from Mr. P.
Sarpy, the gentleman in charge of the American Company's estab-
lishment at that place, the aid of his carpenters in constructing a
boat, in which I proposed to descend the Missouri. On the afternoon
of the 27th we met one of the men,'^ who had been despatched by
Mr. Sarpy with a welcome supply of provisions and a very kind
note, which gave us the very gratifying intelligence that our boat
was in rapid progress. On the evening of the 30th we encamped in
an almost impenetrable undergrowth on the left bank of the Platte,
in the point of land at its confluence with the Missouri, three hun-
dred and fifteen miles, according to our reckoning, from the junc-
tion of the forks, and five hundred and twenty from Fort Laramie.^*^
From the junction we had found the bed of the Platte occupied
with numerous islands, many of them very large, and all well tim-
bered; possessing, as well as the bottom lands of the river, a very
excellent soil. With the exception of some scattered groves on the
banks, the bottoms are generally without timber. A portion of these
consist of low grounds, covered with a profusion of fine grasses, and
are probably inundated in the spring; the remaining part is high
river prairie, entirely beyond the influence of the floods. The
breadth of the river is usually three quarters of a mile, except where
it is enlarged by islands. That portion of its course which is occu-
pied by Grand island has an average breadth, from shore to shore,
79. Menard, according to preuss, 75.
80. JCF is now at the future site of Plattsmouth, Nebr., and the cowbells
he will hear tomorrow morning will be sounding from setdements in what is
now Mills County, Iowa.
284
of two and a half miles. The breadth of the valley, with the various
accidents of ground — springs, timber, and whatever I have thought
interesting to travellers and settlers — you will find indicated on the
larger map which accompanies this report.^^
October 1. — I rose this morning long before daylight, and heard
with a feeling of pleasure the tinkling of cow bells at the settlements
on the opposite side of the Missouri. Early in the day we reached
Mr. Sarpy's residence; and, in the security and comfort of his hos-
pitable mansion, felt the pleasure of being again within the pale
of civilization. We found our boat on the stocks; a few days sufficed
to complete her; and, in the afternoon of the 4th, we embarked on
the Missouri. All our equipage, horses, carts, and the materiel
of the camp, had been sold at public auction at Bellevue. The
strength of my party enabled me to man the boat with ten oars, re-
lieved every hour; and we descended rapidly. Early on the morning
of the 10th, we halted to make some astronomical observations at
the mouth of the Kanzas, exactly four months since we had left the
trading post of Mr. Cyprian Chouteau, on the same river, ten miles
above. On our descent to this place, we had employed ourselves in
surveying and sketching the Missouri, making astronomical observa-
tions regularly at night and at midday, whenever the weather per-
mitted. These operations on the river were continued until our
arrival at the city of St. Louis, Missouri, on the 17th; and will be
found, imbodied with other results, on the map^" and in the
appendices which accompany this report. At St. Louis, the sale of
our remaining effects was made; and, leaving that city by steam-
boat on the 18th, I had the honor to report to you at the city of
Washington on the 29th of October.
Very respectfully, sir, your obedient servant,
}. C. Fremont,
2d Lieut. Corps of Topographical Engineers.
81. See Map 2 (Map Portfolio).
82. Ibid.
285
CATALOGUE OF PLANTS COLLECTED
BY LIEUTENANT FREMONT IN HIS EXPEDITION
TO THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
BY JOHN TORREY.
PREFACE.^
The collection of plants submitted to me for examination, though
made under unfavorable circumstances, is a very interesting con-
tribution to North American Botany. From the mouth of the Kan-
zas river to the "Red Buttes" on the North fork of the Platte, the
transportation was effected in carts; but from that place to and from
the mountains, the explorations were made on horseback, and by
such rapid movements, (which were necessary, in order to ac-
complish the objects of the expedition) that but litde opportunity
was af][orded for collecting and drying botanical specimens. Be-
sides, the party was in a savage and inhospitable country, sometimes
annoyed by Indians, and frequently in great distress from want of
provisions; from which circumstances, and the many pressing duties
that constantly engaged the attention of the commander, he was
not able to make so large a collection as he desired. To give some
general idea of the country explored by Lieut. Fremont, I recapitu-
late, from his report, a brief sketch of his route. The expedition left
the mouth of the Kanzas on the 10th of June, 1842, and proceeding
up that river about one hundred miles, then continued its course
generally along the "bottoms" of the Kanzas tributaries, but some-
times passing over the upper prairies. The soil of the river bottoms
is always rich, and generally well timbered; though the whole re-
gion is what is called a prairie country. The upper prairies are an
immense deposite of sand and gravel, covered with a good, and, very
generally, a rich soil. Along the road, on reaching the little stream
called Sandy creek (a tributary of the Kanzas), the soil became
83. Torrey's catalogue is printed verbatim, after his preface, using his own
binomials and common names. For modern binomials and, usually, com-
mon names, consult the index under each species.
286
more sandy. The rock-formations of this region are hmestone and
sandstone. The Amorpha canescens was the characteristic plant; it
being in many places as abundant as the grass.
Crossing over from the waters of the Kanzas, Lieut. F. arrived at
the Great Platte, two hundred and ten miles from its junction with
the Missouri. The valley of this river, from its mouth to the great
forks, is about four miles broad, and three hundred and fifteen miles
long. It is rich, well-timbered, and covered with luxuriant grasses.
The purple Liatris scariosa, and several Asters, were here conspicu-
ous features of the vegetation. I was pleased to recognise among the
specimens collected near the forks, the fine large-flowered Asclepias,
that I described many years ago in my account of James's Rocky
Mountain plants, under the name of A. speciosa, and which Mr.
Geyer also found in Nicollet's expedition. It seems to be the plant
subsequently described and figured by Sir W. Hooker, under the name
of A. DoHglasii. On the Lower Platte, and all the way to the Sweet
Water, the showy Cleome integrijolia occurred in abundance. From
the Forks to Laramie river, a distance of about two hundred miles,
the country may be called a sandy one. The valley of the North
fork is without timber; but the grasses are fine, and the herbaceous
plants abundant. On the return of the expedition in September,
Lieut. Fremont says the whole country resembled a vast garden;
but the prevailing plants were two or three species of Heliajithus
(sunflower). Between the main forks of the Platte, from the junc-
tion, as high up as Laramie's fork, the formation consisted of marl,
a soft earthv limestone, and a granite sandstone. At the latter place,
that singular leguminous plant, the Ketitrophyta motitana of Nut-
tall was first seen, and then occurred, at intervals, to the Sweet Water
river. Following up the North fork, Lieut. Fremont arrived at the
mouth of the Sweet Water river, one of the head waters of the
Platte. Above Laramie's fork to this place, the soil is generally sandy.
The rocks consist of limestone, with a variety of sandstones (yellow,
gray, and red argillaceous), with compact gypsum or alabaster, and
fine conglomerates.
The route along the North fork of the Platte afforded some of
the best plants in the collection. The Seneclo rapifolia, Nutt., oc-
curred in many places, quite to the Sweet Water; Lippia (Zapania)
cufieijoUa (Torr. in James's plants, only known before from Dr.
[Edwin] James's collection;) Cercocarpus parvifolius, Nutt.; Erio-
287
gonum parvifolium and cocspitosum, Nutt.; Shepherdia argentea,
Nutt., and Geranium Vremontiif'^ a new species (near the Red
Buttes), were found in this part of the journey. In saHne soils, on the
Upper Platte, near the mouth of the Sweet Water, were collected
several interesting chenopodiace^, one of which was first discovered
by Dr. James, in Long's Expedition; and although it was considered
as a new genus, I did not describe it, owing to the want of the ripe
fruit. It is the plant doubtfully referred by Hooker, in his Flora
Boreali Americana, to Batis. He had seen the male flowers only. As
it is certainly a new genus, I have dedicated it to the excellent com-
mander of the expedition, as a well-merited compliment for the ser-
vices he has rendered North American botany.
The Sweet Water valley is a sandy plain, about one hundred and
twenty miles long, and generally about five miles broad; bounded
by ranges of granitic mountains, between which, the valley forma-
tion consists, near the Devil's gate, of a grayish micaceous sand-
stone, with marl and white clay. At the encampment of August
5th-6th, there occurred a fine white argillaceous sandstone, a coarse
sandstone or puddingstone, and a white calcareous sandstone. A few
miles to the west of that position, Lieut. F. reached a point where
the sandstone rested immediately upon the granite, which thence-
forward, along his line of route, alternated with a compact mica
slate.
Along the Sweet Water, many interesting plants were collected, as
may be seen by an examination of the catalogue ; I would, however,
mention the curious (Enothera Nuttallii, Torr. and Gr.; Eurotia
lanata, Mocq. (Diotis lanata, Pursh), which seems to be distinct
from E. ceratoides; Thermopsis montana, Nutt.; Gilia pulchella,
Dougl.; Senecio spartioides, Torr. and Gr.; a new species, and four
or five species of wild currants {Ribes irriguum, Dougl., &c.) Near
the mouth of the Sweet Water was found the Planiago eriophora,
84. Geranium jremontii as published by Torrey was a nomen nudum, and
thus illegitimate by International Rules of Botanical Nomenclature. When the
name was validated by Asa Gray in Memoirs of the American Academy, ser.
2, 4 (1849):26, a Fremont collection numbered "42" was cited without local-
ity. G. N. and F. F. Jones {Rhodora, 45 [1943]:44) suggested when reviewing
the genus that the Fremont specimen came from "probably farther north and
west" of Lieut. J. W. Abert's collection, also cited by Gray, taken in the
Raton Mountains, New Mexico, 7 Aug. 1846. However, this report (p. 292)
gives the "Black Hills" as the source of Fremont's collection and so there may
have been a second numbered specimen sent to Gray.
288
Torr., a species first described in my Dr. James's Rocky Mountain
Plants. On the upper part, and near the dividing ridge, were col-
lected several species of Castilleja; Fentstemon micrantha, Nutt.;
several Gentians; the pretty little Androsace occidentalis, Nutt.;
SoUdago incana, Torr. and Gr.; and two species of Eriogonum, one
of which was new.
On the 8th of August, the exploring party crossed the dividing
ridge or pass, and found the soil of the plains at the foot of the
mountains, on the western side, to be sandy. From Laramie's fork
to this point, different species of artemisia were the prevailing and
characteristic plants; occupying the place of the grasses, and filling
the air with the odor of camphor and turpentine. Along Little
Sandy, a tributary of the Colorado of the West, were collected a new
species of Fhaca (P. digitata), and Parnassia fimbriata.
On the morning of the 10th of August, they entered the defiles
of the Wind River mountains, a spur of the Rocky Mountains or
Northern Andes, and among which they spent about eight days. On
the borders of a lake, embosomed in one of the defiles, were collected
Sedum Rhodiola, DC. (which had been found before, south of
Kotzebue's sound, only by Dr. James) ; Senecio hydrophilus, Nutt.;
Vaccinium uliginosum; Betula glandulosa, and B. occidentalis,
Hook.; Eleagnus argentea, and Shepherdia Canadensis. Some of the
higher peaks of the Wind River mountains rise 1,000 feet above the
limits of perpetual snow. Lieut. Fremont, attended by four of his
men, ascended one of the loftiest peaks on the 15th of August. On
this he found the snow line 12,500 feet above the level of the sea.
The vegetation of the mountains is truly Alpine, embracing a con-
siderable number of species common to both hemispheres, as well as
some that are peculiar to North America. Of the former, Lieut. Fre-
mont collected Phleum alpinum; Oxyria reniformis; Veronica
alpina; several species of Salix; Carex atrata; C. panicea; and, im-
mediately below the line of perpetual congelation, Silene acaulis and
Polemonium coeruleum, (^ Hook. Among the alpine plants peculiar
to the western hemisphere, there were found Oreophila myrtifolia,
Nutt.; Aquilegia cocrtdea, Torr.; Pedictdaris surrecta, Benth.; Pul-
monaria ciliata, James; Silene Drummondii, Hook.; Menziesia
empetrijormis, Potentilla gracilis, Dougl.; several species of Pinus;
Frasera speciosa. Hook.; Dodecatheofi dentatum, Hook.; Phlox
muscoides, Nutt.; Senecio Fremontii, n. sp., Torr. and Gr.; four or
five Asters, and Vaccinium myrtilloides, Mx.; the last seven or eight
289
very near the snow line. Lower down the mountain were found
Arnica angustifolia, Vahl; Senecio triangularis, Hook.; S. subnudus,
DC; Macrorhynchus troximoides, Torr. and Gr.; Helianthella uni-
flora, Torr. and Gr.; and Linosyris viscidiflora, Hook.
The expedition left the Wind River mountains about the 18th of
August, returning by the same route as that by which it ascended,
except that it continued its course through the whole length of the
Lower Platte, arriving at its junction with the Missouri on the 1st
of October.
As the plants of Lieut. Fremont were under examination while
the last part of the Flora of North America was in the press, nearly
all the new matter relating to the Compositae was inserted in that
work. Descriptions of a few of the new species were necessarily
omitted, owing to the report of the expedition having been called
for by Congress before I could finish the necessary analyses and
comparisons. These, however, will be inserted in the successive
numbers of the work to which I have just alluded.
John Torrey.
New York, March, 1843.
CATALOGUE OF PLANTS
CLASS L— EXOGENOUS PLANTS.
RANUNCULACEiE.
Clematis Virginiana (Linn.) Valley of the Platte. June, July.
Ranunculus sceleratus (Linn.) Valley of the Sweet Water river. Au-
gust 18-20.
R. Cymhalaria (Pursh). Upper Platte. July 31, August.
Aquilegia cccrulea (Torr.) Wind river mountains. August 13-16.
Actcea rubra (Bigel.) Upper Platte. August 26-31.
Thalictrum Cornuti (Linn.) Platte.
T. megacarpum, n. sp. Upper Platte. August 26-31.
MENISPERMACE^.
Menispermum Canadense (Linn.) Leaves only. On the Platte.
290
BERBERIDACEiE.
Berberis Aquijolium (Torr. and Gr.) Wind River mountains. Au-
gust 13-16.
PAPAVERACE^.
Argemone Mexicana /3 albifiora (DC.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
CRUCIFER^.
Nasturtium palustre (DC.) Black Hills of the Platte. July 26-Au-
gust.
Erysimum cheiranthoides (Linn.) Black Hills. July 23.
E. asperum (Nutt.) South fork of the Platte. July 4.
Pachypodium (Thelypodium, Endl. gen., p. 876), integrifolium
(Nutt.) North fork of the Platte. September 4. Var. with longer
pods. With the preceding.
Vesicaria didymocarpa (Hook.) Leaves only. North fork of the
Platte, above the Red Buttes, July 30.
Braya n. sp. Wind River mountains, near the limits of perpetual
snow. August 15.
Lepidium ruderale (Linn.) On the Platte. June 29.
CAPPARIDACEiE.
Cleome integri folia (Torr. and Gr.) From the Lower Platte nearly
to the mountains. June 29, July 2, August 21.
Polanisia trachysperma, P (Torr. and Gr.) Black Hills of the Platte,
July 23.
POLYGALACE.E.
Polygala alba (Nutt.) P. Beyrichii, (Torr. and Gr.) Forks of the
Platte. July 2.
291
DROSERACEiE.
Paniassia fimbriata (Banks.) Little Sandy creek, defiles of the Wind
River mountains. Aug. 8.
CARYOPHYLLACE^.
Arenaria congesta (Nutt.) Highest parts of the Wind River moun-
tains. Aug. 13-16.
Silene Drummondii (Hook.) With the preceding.
S. acaulis (Linn.) Wind River mountains, at the limits of perpetual
snow.
PORTULACACEiE.
Talinum paruiflorum (Nutt.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June
26.
LINACEiE.
Linum rigidum (Pursh). North fork of the Platte. July 8.
L. perenne (Linn.) Black Hills to the Sweet Water of the Platte.
Aug. 2-31.
GERANIACEiE.
Geranium Fremontii, n. sp. Black Hills. Aug. 26-31.
OXALIDACEiE.
Oxalis stricta (Linn.) On the Kansas. June.
ANACARDIACEiE.
Rhus trilobata (Nutt.) Red Buttes. July 29.
292
MALVACEiE.
Malva pedata (Torr. and Gr.) Big Blue river of the Kansas. June 21.
M. involucrata (Torr. and Gr.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June
23.
Sida coccinea (DC.) Little Blue river to the South fork of the Platte.
June 22-July 4.
VITACEiE.
Vitis riparia (Michx.) Grand island of the Platte. Sept. 19.
ACERACE^.
Negmido aceroides (Moench.) On the lower part of the Platte.
CELASTRACE^.
Oreophila myrtifolia (Nutt.) Summit of the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 13-14.
RHAMNACEiE.
Ceanothus vdutinus (Dougl.) With the preceding.
C. Americanus, var. sanguineus. C. sanguineus (Pursh). On the
Platte.
C. mollissimus, n. sp. Near the Kansas river. June 19.
LEGUMINOSiE.
Lathyrus linearis (Nutt.) On the Platte, from its confluence with the
Missouri, to Fort Laramie. Sept. 2-30.
Amphicarpoea monoica (Torr. and Gr.) North fork of the Platte.
Sept. 4.
Apios tuberosa (Moench.) Forks of the Platte. Sept. 13.
Glycyrrhiza lepidota (Pursh). From near the Kansas river to the
Black Hills of the Platte. June 21-July 25.
293
Psoralea floribunda (Nutt.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
P. campestris (Nutt.?) and a more glabrous variety. With the pre-
ceding. July 2.
P. lanceolata (Pursh). Black Hills of the Platte. July 24.
P. argophylla (Pursh). Little Blue river. June 23.
P. tenuifiora, (Pursh). (no flowers). Forks of the Platte. Sept. 12.
Petalostemon violaceum (Michx.) Big Blue river of the Kansas, &c.
June 21.
P. candidum (Michx.) Red Buttes. July 29.
Amorpha fruticosa (Linn.) From the Lower Platte to the moun-
tains. August 8-Sept. 19.
A. canescens (Nutt.) Kansas and the Lower Platte rivers. June 19-
Sept. 20.
Lespedeza capitata (Michx.) Mouth of the Platte. Sept. 30.
Desmodium acuminatum (DC.) Little Blue river of the Kansas.
June 22.
Astragalus gracilis (Nutt.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
A. mollissimus (Torr.) Valley of the Platte. June 29.
A. Hypoglottis (Linn.) Sweet Water of the Platte. Aug. 5.
Oxytropis Lambertii (Pursh). Big Blue river of the Kansas to the
forks of the Platte. June 20-July 2.
O. Plattensis (Nutt.?) (no flowers). Goat island of the Upper Platte.
July 31.
Phaca astragali na (DC.) Highest summits of the Wind River moun-
tain. Aug. 15.
P. elegans (Hook.) var.? Goat island of the Upper Platte. July 31.
P. {Orophaca) digitata, n. sp. Little Sandy river. Aug. 8.
P. longifolia (Nutt.) (leaves only). Wind River mountains. Aug.
12-17.
Kentrophyta montana (Nutt.) Laramie river to the Sweet Water.
July 14-Aug. 5.
Lupinus leucophyllus (Lindl.) Wind River mountains, and Sweet
Water of the Platte. Aug. 4-21.
L. ornatus (Dougl.) L. leucopsis (Agardh.) With the preceding.
Baptisia leucatitha, (Torr. and Gr.) Kansas river.
Thermopsis montana (Nutt.) Sweet Water river. Aug. 5.
Cassia chamaecrista (Linn.) Mouth of the Platte. Sept 30.
Schrankja uncinata (Willd.) Kansas and Platte rivers. June 19-
Sept.
Darlingtonia brachypoda (DC.) On the Platte. Sept. 17.
294
ROSACEA.
Cerasus Virginiafia (Torr. and Gr.) Upper North Fork of the
Platte. July 30.
Cercocarpus parvifoUus (Nutt.) Bitter creek, North Fork of the
Platte. July 22.
Purs hi a tridentata (DC.) Sweet Water river, &c. Aug. 12-Sept.
Geum Virginianum (Linn.) Kansas river. June 20.
Sibbaldia procumbens (Linn.) Wind River mountains, near perpet-
ual snow. Aug. 13-14.
Potentilla gracilis (Dougl.) With the preceding.
P. diversifolia (Lehm.) Sweet Water of the Platte to the mountains.
Aug. 4-15.
P. sericea P. glabrata (Lehm.) With the preceding.
P. fruticosa (Linn.) With the preceding.
P. Anserina (Linn.) Black Hills of the Platte. July 26-31.
P. arguta (Pursh). Little Blue river of the Kansas, and Black Hills
of the Platte. June 23-Aug. 28.
Rubus strigosus (Michx.) Defiles of the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 12-17.
Amdanchier diversifolia, var. alnifolia, (Torr. and Gr.) Sweet
Water of the Platte. August 5.
Rosa blanda (Ait.) Lower Platte.
R. foliolosa (Nutt.) var. leiocarpa. With the preceding.
ONAGRACEi^.
Epilobium coloratum (Muhl.) Black Hills of the Platte to the Sweet
Water river. Aug. 4-31.
E. spicatum (Lam.) From the Red Buttes to the Wind River moun-
tains. Aug, 13-31.
(Enothera albicatdis (Nutt.) North fork of the Platte. July 14.
CE. Missouriensis (Sims.) Big Blue river of the Kansas. June 19-20.
(E. trichocalyx (Nutt.) North fork of the Platte. July 30.
(E. serrulata (Nutt.) On the Kansas and Platte. June-July 14.
(E. rhombipetala (Nutt.) On the Platte. September 18-20.
(E. biennis (Linn.) Black Hills to the Sweet Water river. July 23-
August 4.
(E. {Taraxia) Nuttallii (Torr. and Gr.) Upper part of the Sweet
Water.
295
(E. speciosa (Nutt.) Big Blue river of the Kanzas. June 19-20.
(E. Drummondii (Hook.?) Black Hills. July 26.
Gaura coccinea (Nutt.) Var. ? Little Blue river of the Kanzas, and
south fork of the Platte. June 26-July 4.
LOASACEiE.
Mentzelia nuda (Torr. and Gr.) North fork of the Platte. July 14.
GROSSULACEiE.
Rihes cereum (Lindl.) Sweet Water of the Platte. August 2-4.
R. lacustre (Poir.) With the preceding. /5. leaves deeply lobed. R.
echinatum (Dougl.) Perhaps a distinct species.
R. irriguum (Dougl.) With the preceding.
CACTACEiE.
Opiintia Missouriensis (DC.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
CRASSULACEiE.
Sediim Rhodiola (DC.) On a lake in Wind River mountains. Au-
gust 12-17.
UMBELLIFERiE.
Heracletitn lanatum (Michx.r) Leaves only. The leaves are more
glabrous than in the ordinary form of the plant. Alpine region of
the Wind River mountains.
Polyt(£?iia NuttalUi (DC.) On the Kanzas. June 20.
Sium? incisu?72, n. sp. Stem sulcate; segments of the leaves distant,
deeply incised or pinnatified; the lower teeth or divisions often
elongated and linear.— North fork of the Platte. July 12.
Edosmia Gairdneri (Torr. and Gr.) Without fruit.
Cicnta macidata (Linn.) Lower Platte.
Musemum tenuijolium (Nutt.) Alpine region of the Wind River
mountains.
296
CORNACE^.
Comus stolo?iifera (Michx.) On a lake in the Wind River moun-
tains. August 12-17.
C. circinata (L'Her.) On the Platte.
CAPRIFOLIACEiE.
Symphoricarpus occidefitalis (R. Brown). North fork of the Platte.
July 10-Aug. 31.
S. vulgaris (Michx.) Defiles of the Wind River mountains. August
13-14.
RUBIACE.E.
Galium boreale (Linn.) Upper part of the north fork of the Platte.
August 12-31.
COMPOSITiE.
V ernonia fasciculata (Michx.) On the Platte.
Liatris scariosa (Willd.) Lower part of the Platte. Sept. 27.
L. spicata (Willd.) North fork of the Platte. Sept. 4.
L. squarrosa, var. intermedia (DC.) A small form of the plant. On
the Platte.
L. punctata (Hook.) Black Hills of the Platte. Aug. 29.
Brickellia grandiflora (Nutt.) North fork of the Platte.
Aster ifitegrifolius (Nutt.) Base of the Wind River mountains.
A. adscendens (Lindl.) Wind River Mountains. Var. Fremontii.
With the preceding, the highest summits to the limits of per-
petual snow. Aug. 16.
A. laevis (Linn.) North fork of the Platte.
A. Novi-Belgii (Linn.) Sweet Water of the Platte. August 22.
A. cordifolius (Linn.) Lower Platte.
A. multiflorus, P. (Torr. and Gr.) Upper Platte, &c.
A. jalcatus (Lindl.) Black Hills to the Sweet Water. July 30-Aug.
A. laxifolius (Nees.) On the Platte, from its mouth to the forks.
Sept. 12-30.
A. oblongifolius (Nutt.) Lower Platte, &c.
297
A. Novce-Afiglice (Linn.) Lower Platte to the Wind River moun-
tains. Aug. 18-Sept. 24.
A. Andmus (Nutt.) Near the snow hne of the Wind River moun-
tains. Aug. 16.
A. glacialis (Nutt.) With the preceding.
A. salsuginosus (Richards.) With the preceding.
A. elegans (Torr. and Gr.) Wind River mountains.
A. glaucus (Torr. and Gr.) With the preceding.
Dieteria viscosa (Nutt.) On the Platte.
D. coronopifolia (Nutt.) With the preceding.
D. pulverulenta (Nutt.) Near D. sessiliflora. With the preceding.
Erigeron Cariadense (Linn.) On the Platte, from near its mouth to
the Red Buttes. Latter part of September to July 30.
E. Bellidiastrum (Nutt.) On the Platte.
E. macranthum (Nutt.) With the preceding.
E. glabellum (Nutt.) With the preceding.
E. strigosum (Muhl.) With the preceding.
Gutierrezia Euthamicc (Torr. and Gr.) Laramie river, upper north
fork of the Platte. Sept. 3.
Solidago rigida (Linn.) North fork of the Platte.
S. Missouriensis (Nutt.) Fort Laramie, north fork of the Platte.
July 22, to the mountains.
S. speciosa (Nutt.) Upper Platte.
S. Virga-aurea (Linn.) var. multiradiata, (Torr. and Gr.) Wind
River mountain, from the height of 7,000 feet to perpetual snow.
S. incana (Torr. and Gr.) Sweet Water river.
S. gigantea (Linn.) var. /?. From the Platte to the mountains.
Linosyris graveolens (Torr. and Gr.) Sweet Water river. Aug. 20.
L. fiscidi flora (Hook.) Upper Platte.
Aplopappus spmulosus (DC.) Fort Laramie, north fork of the
Platte. Sept. 3.
Grindelia squarrosa (Dunal). Upper north fork of the Platte, and on
the Sweet Water. July 22-Aug. 21.
Chrysopsis hispida (Hook.) On the Platte.
C. mollis (Nutt.) With the preceding. Too near C. foliosa, (Nutt.)
Iva axillaris (Pursh). Sweet Water river. Aug. 3.
Franseria discolor (Nutt.) Near the Wind River mountains.
Lepachys columnaris (Torr. and Gr.) Little Blue river of the Kansas.
June 26.
Balsamorrhiza sagittata (Nutt.) Wind River mountains.
298
Heliafithus petiolaris (Nutt.) Black Hills of the Platte. July 26.
H.Maximiliani (Schrad.) With the preceding.
Helianthella utii flora (Torr. and Gr.) Wind River mountains.
Coreopsis tinctoria (Nutt.) On the Platte.
Cosmidium gracile (Torr. and Gr.) Upper Platte.
Bidens connata (Muhl.) With the preceding.
Hymenopappus corymhosus (Torr. and Gr.) With the preceding.
Actinella grandifiora (Torr. and Gr.) n. sp. Wind River mountains.
Achillea Millefolium (Linn.) A. lanosa. (Nutt.) Upper Platte to
the mountains.
Artemisia biennis (Willd.) On the Platte.
A. cana (Pursh). Without flowers. With the preceding.
A. tridentata (Nutt.) On the Sweet Water, near the mountains.
A. filifolia (Torr.) South fork of the Platte, and north fork, to Lara-
mie river. July 4-Sept. 3.
A. Canadensis (Michx.) With the preceding.
A. Ludoviciana, (Nutt.) Black Hills of the Platte. July 26.
A. frigida (Willd.) Black Hills to the mountains.
A. Lewisii (Torr. and Gr. ?) No flowers. On the Platte.
Stephanomeria runcinata (Nutt.) Upper Platte.
Gnaphalium uliginosum. (Linn.) Var. foliis angustioribus. Sweet
Water river.
G. palustre (Nutt.) ^. (Torr. and Gr.) With the preceding.
Artiica an gusti folia (Vahl.) A. fulgens, (Pursh). Defiles of the Wind
River mountains, from 7,000 feet and upwards. August 13-14.
Senecio triangularis (Hook.) P. (Torr. and Gr.) With the preced-
ing.
S. subnudus (DC.) With the preceding.
S. Fremontii (Torr. and Gr.) n. sp. Highest parts of the mountains,
to the region of perpetual snow. Aug. 15.
S. rapifolius (Nutt.) North fork of the Platte and Sweet Water.
S. lanceolatus (Torr. and Gr.) n. sp. With the preceding.
S. hydrophilus (Nutt.) On a lake in the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 12-17.
S. spartioides (Torr. and Gr.) n. sp. Sweet Water river. Aug. 21.
Cacalia tuberosa (Nutt.) Upper Platte.
S. filijolius (Nutt.) /^. Fremontii, (Torr. and Gr.) Lower Platte.
Tetradymia inermis (Nutt.) Sweet Water river, from its mouth to
the highest parts of the Wind River mountains.
Cirsium altissimum (Spreng.) Lower Platte.
299
Crepis glauca (Hook.) Upper Platte.
Macrorhynchus {Stylopappus) troximoides (Torr. and Gr.) Defiles
of the Wind River mountains. Aug. 13-14.
Mulgedium pulchdlum (Torr. and Gr.) Black Hills of the Platte.
July 25-31.
Lygodesmia juncea (Don). Upper Platte.
Troximoji pari/ifiorum (Nutt.) Sweet Water river, near the moun-
tains.
LOBELIACEiE.
Lobelia spicata (Lam.) On the Lower Platte. June 28.
L. siphilitica (Linn.) North fork of the Platte. Sept. 4.
CAMPANULACEiE.
Campanula rotundifolia (Linn.) Lower Platte.
Specularia amplexicauUs (DC.) Little Blue river of the Kansas.
ERICACEAE.
Phyllodoce empetriformis (D. Don). Defiles of the Wind River
mountains. Aug. 13-16.
Vaccinium myrtilloides (Hook.) Wind River mountains, in the vi-
cinity of perpetual snow. Aug. 15.
V. uliginosum (Linn.) With the preceding.
Artostaphylos Uva-ursi (Spreng.) On a lake in the mountains. Aug.
12-17.
PRIMULACE^.
Dodecatheon dentatum (Hook.) Defiles of the Wind River moun-
tains. Aug. 13-16.
Androsace occidentalis (Nutt.) Sweet Water river. Aug. 5.
Lysimachia ciliata (Linn.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
Glaux mantima (Linn.) Upper North fork of the Platte. July 31.
300
SCROPHULARIACE^.
Orthocarpus luteus (Nutt.) Sweet Water river. Aug. 5.
M'lmiilus alsinoides (Benth.) Defiles of the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 13-16.
M. Lewisii (Pursh). With the preceding.
Castilleja pallida (Kunth). Sweet Water river. Aug. 8.
C. miniata (Benth.) Wind River mountains. Aug. 13-16. There are
two or three other species of this genus in the collection, which I
have not been able to determine.
Veronica alpiiia /?. (Hook.) Alpine region of the Wind River moun-
tains.
?entstemon albidum (Nutt.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
P. ccsruleum (Nutt.) South fork of the Platte. July 4.
P. micranthum (Nutt.) Sources of the Sweet Water, near the moun-
tains. Aug. 7.
Pedicularis surrecta (Benth.) Defiles of the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 13-16.
Gerardia longifolia (Nutt.) Lower Platte. July 22.
OROBANCHACEiE.
Orobanche fascictdata (Nutt.) South fork of the Platte. July 4.
LABIATE.
Monarda fistulosa (Linn.) On the Platte.
Teucrium Canadense (Linn.) With the preceding.
Lycopiis sinuatus (Ell.) With the preceding.
Stachys aspera (Michx.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
Scutellaria galericulata (Linn.) North of the Platte. July 10.
Mentha Canadensis (Linn.) With the preceding.
Salvia azurea (Lam.) Kansas river and forks of the Platte. June
19-29, July 2.
VERBENACE^.
Lippia cunei folia, Zapania cuneifolia (Torr.! in ann. Lye. Nat. Hist.
N. York, 2. p. 234.) N. fork of the Platte. July 12.
301
Verbena stricta (Vent.) With the preceding.
V. hastata (Linn.) With the preceding.
V. bracteata (Michx.) With the preceding.
BORAGINACE.E.
Pulmonaria ciliata (James; Torr. in ann. Lye. N. York, 2. p. 224.)
Defiles in the Wind River mountains. Aug. 13-15.
Onostnodium molle (Michx.) On the Platte. June 29.
Batschia Gmelini (Michx.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June 22.
Myosotis glomerata (Nutt.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
HYDROPHYLLACE^.
Eutoca sericea (Lehm.) Wind River mountains!
Phacelia leucophylla, n. sp. White plant strigosely canescent; leaves
elliptical, petiolate entire; racemes numerous, scorpioid, densely
flowered.— Goat Island, upper North fork of the Platte. July 30.
Perennial. — Stems branching from the base. Leaves about two
inches long, and 6-8 lines wide; radical and lower cauline ones on
long petioles; the others nearly sessile. Spikes forming a terminal
crowded sort of panicle. Flowers sessile, about 3 lines long. Sepals
strongly hispid. Corolla one-third longer than the calyx; the lobes
short and entire. Stamens much exserted ; filaments glabrous. Style
2-parted to the middle, the lower part hairy. Ovary hispid, incom-
pletely 2-celled, with 2 ovules in each cell. Capsule, by abortion,
one-seeded; seed oblong, strongly punctate. Nearly related to P.
integrifolia (Torr.) ; but differs in the leaves being perfectly entire,
the more numerous spikes, one-seeded capsules, as well as in the
whitish strigose pubescence of the whole plant.
POLEMONIACEiE.
Phlox muscoides (Nutt.) Immediately below the region of perpetual
snow, on the Wind River mountains. Aug. 15.
P. Hoodii (Richards.) North fork of the Platte. July 8.
P. pilosa (Nutt.) Big Blue river of the Kansas. June 20.
302
Polemonium caruleum (Linn., Hook.) Red Buttes on the Upper
N. fork of the Platte. P humile (Hook.) Highest parts of the
mountains, near perpetual snow. Aug. 13-15.
Gilia {Cantua) Ion gi flora (Torr.) Sand Hills of the Platte. Sept. 16.
G. pulchella (Dougl.) Upper part of the Sweet Water, near the
mountains. Aug. 7-20.
G. incofispicua (Dougl.?) Goat Island, upper N. fork of the Platte.
July 30. This differs from the Oregon plant in its fleshy, simply
pinnatifid leaves, with ovate, obtuse segments.
CONVOLVULACE.E.
Calystegia septum (R. Br.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
Ipomoca leptophylla, n. sp. Stems branching from the base, prostrate,
glabrous, angular; leaves lanceolate-linear, very acute, entire, at-
tenuate at the base into a petiole; peduncles 1-3-flowered; sepals
roundish-ovate, obtuse with a minute mucro. — Forks of the Platte
to Laramie river. July 4-Sept. 3. Imperfect specimens of this plant
were collected about the sources of the Canadian, by Dr. James, in
Long's expedition; but they were not described in my account of
his plants. The root, according to Dr. James, is annual, producing
numerous thick prostrate, but not twining, stems, which are two
feet or more in length. The leaves are from two to four inches
long, acute at each end, strongly veined and somewhat coriaceous.
Peduncles an inch or more in length, those towards the extremity
of the branches only 1-flowered; the lower ones bearing 2-3, and
sometimes 4 flowers, which are nearly the size of those of Caly-
stegia sepium, and of a purplish color. Sepals appressed, about five
lines long. Corolla campanulate — funnel form, the tube much
longer than the calyx. Stamens inserted near the base of the co-
rolla; filaments villous at the base, anthers oblong-linear, large.
Style as long as the stamens; stigma 2-lobed; the lobes capitate.
Ovary 2-celled, with two ovules in each cell.
SOLANACE.E.
Nycterium luteum (Donn cat.) South fork of the Platte. July 4.
303
Physalis pubescens (Willd.) Upper North fork of the Platte. July 23.
P. pumila (Nutt.) With the preceding.
GENTIANACE^.
Gentiana arctophila P densiflora (Griseb. ? in Hook. fl. Bor. — Am.
2. p. 61.) Sweet Water of the Platte. Aug. 4.
G. (vffinis (Griseb.) North fork of the Platte. Sept. 9.
G. Pneumonanthe (Linn.) Laramie river to Little Sandy creek in
the mountains. July 12-Aug. 8.
G. Fremontii, n. sp. Stem branched at the base; branches 1-flowered;
leaves ovate, cuspidate, cartilaginous on the margin, erect; corolla
funnel-form ; plicae small, slightly 2-toothed ; capsule ovate, at length
entirely exserted on its thick stipe. — ^Wind River mountains. —
Annual. Branches several, 2-3 inches long, of nearly equal length.
Leaves about three lines long, with a strong whitish cartilaginous
border, shorter than the internodes. Flowers as large as those of
G. prostrata, pentamerous. Calyx two-thirds the length of the co-
rolla; the teeth about one-third the length of the tube. Plicae of the
coralla scarcely one-third as long as the lanceolate lobes. Stamens
included; anthers oblong, somewhat cordate at the base. Capsule
in maturity, and after dehiscence (in which state all our specimens
were collected), exserted quite beyond the corolla, and, with its
long stipe, resembling a style with a large bilamellate stigma.
None of the capsules contained any seeds. This species is nearly re-
lated to G. prostrata (Haenk.) and G. humilis (Stev.), but the
former has spatulate obtuse recurved leaves, and the latter entire
plicae, which are nearly the length of the corroUa. In G. humilis,
and in the allied G. squarrosa (Ledeb.) the capsule is exserted
after discharging the seeds.
Swertia perennis, ^ obtusa (Hook.) From Laramie river to the Big
Buttes.
Frasera speciosa, (Hook.) Defiles of the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 13-14.
Lisianthus Russelianus (Hook.) Lower Platte to the Forks. July-
Sept.
APOCYNACEiE.
Apocynum cannabinum (Linn.) On the Platte.
304
ASCLEPIADACEiE.
Asdepias speciosa (Torr., in ann. Lye. N. York, 2. p. 218. — A.
Douglasii, Hook. fl. Bor.— Am. 2 p. 53. t. 142.) Forks of the Platte.
July 2. Collected also by Mr. Nicollet in his Northwestern expedi-
tion. Hooker's plant differs in no essential characters from my A.
speciosa, collected by Dr. James in Long's first expedition.
A. verticillata (Linn.) Small variety. With the preceding.
A. tuherosa (Linn.) Kansas river. June 19.
Anantherix viridis (Nutt.) Big Blue river of the Kansas. June 20.
Acerates longijolia (Ell.) Polyotus longifolia. (Nutt.) With the
preceding.
A. angustijoVms. Polyotus angustifolius. (Nutt.) With the preceding.
OLEACEiE.
Fraxinus platycarpa (Michx.) Leaves only. Lower Platte.
PLANTAGINACE^.
Plantago eriopoda (Torr. in ann. Lye. N. York, 2, p. 237.) Mouth of
the Sweet Water. July 31.
P. gnaphaloides (Nutt.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June 24.
CHENOPODIACE^.
Chenopodium zosterijolium (Hook.) Platte?
C. Album (Linn.) North fork of the Platte. July 12.
Olione canescens (Mocq. Chenop. p. 74.) Atriplex canescens. (Nutt.)
Upper north fork of the Platte. July 26.
Cycloloma platyphylla (Mocq. 1. c. p. 18.) Kochia dentata, (Willd.)
North fork of the Platte. Sept. 4.
Sueda mantima (Mocq. 1. c. p. 127.) With the preceding.
Eurotia lanata (Mocq. 1. c. p. 81.) Diotis lanata, (Pursh). Red Buttes
to the mountains. Aug. 18-25.
Fremontia, n. gen. Flowers diclinous, monoecious &? dioicous, het-
eromorphous. Stam. Fl. in terminal aments. Scales eccentrically
peltate, on a short stipe, angular, somewhat cuspidate upward.
Stamens 2-3^ under each scale, naked, sessile; anthers oblong.
305
Pist. Fl. solitary, axillary. Perigonium closely adhering to the
lower half of the ovary, the border entire, nearly obsolete, but in
fruit enlarging into a broad horizontal angular and undulate
wing. Ovary ovate; styles thick, divaricate; stigmas linear. Fruit a
utricle, the lower two-thirds covered with the indurated calyx,
compressed. Seed vertical; integument double. Embryo flat-spiral
(2-3 turns) green; radicle inferior; albumen none.
F. vermicularis. Batis? vermicularis, (Hook.) Fl. Bor. Amer. 2. p.
128. Upper north fork of the Platte, near the mouth of the Sweet
Water. July 30. A low, glabrous, diffusely branched shrub, clothed
with a whitish bark. Leaves alternate, linear, fleshy and almost
semiterete, 6-12 lines long and 1-2 lines wide. Staminate aments
about three-fourths of an inch long, cylindrical, at first dense, and
composed of closely compacted angular scales, covering naked an-
thers. Anthers very deciduous. Fertile flowers in the axils of the
rameal leaves. Calyx closely adherent, and at first with only an ob-
scure border or limb, but at length forming a wing 3-4 lines in
diameter, resembling that of Salsola. This remarkable plant, which
I dedicate to Lieutenant Fremont, was first collected by Dr. James
about the sources of the Canadian, (in Long's expedition) but it
was omitted in my account of his plants, published in the Annals
of the Lyceum of Natural History. It is undoubtedly the Batis?
vermicularis of Hooker, (1. c.) collected on the barren grounds of
the Oregon river by the late Mr. Douglas, who found it with only
the staminate flowers. We have it now from a third locality, so
that the plant must be widely diffused in the barren regions to-
wards the Rocky Mountains. It belongs to the sub-order Spiro-
lobeae of Meyer and Mocquin, but can hardly be referred to either
the tribe Suaedinae or to Salsolae, differing from both in its dicli-
nous heteromorphous flowers, and also from the latter in its flat-
spiral, not cochleate embryo.
NYCTAGINACEiE.
Oxybaphus nyctaginea (Torr. in James' Rocky mountain plants.)
= Calymenia nyctaginea (Nutt.) Kansas river, June 20.
Abronia mellijera (Dougl.) North fork of the Platte, July 7-12.
A. {Tripterocalyx) micranthum, n. sp. Viscid and glandularly pubes-
cent; leaves ovate, undulate, obtuse, acute at the base, petiolate;
306
perianth funnel form, 4-lobed at the summit, 3-4 androus; ache-
nium broadly 3-winged.— Near the mouth of the Sweet Water
river. Aug. 1. Annual. Stem diffusely branched from the base, be-
ginning to flower when only an inch high; the branches of the
mature plant above a foot long. Leaves 1-1| inch in length;
petioles about as long as the lamina. Heads axillary. Involucre 5-
leaved, 8-14-flowered ; leaflets ovate, acuminate. Perianth colored
(purplish) 3-4 lines long; lobes semi-ovate, obtuse. Stamens in-
serted in the middle of the tube, unequal ; anthers ovate, sagittate
at the base. Ovary oblong, clothed with the 3-winged base of the
calyx; style filiform; stigma filiform-clavate, incurved. Mature
achenium about 7 lines long and 4 wide, the wings broad, nearly
equal, membranaceous and strongly reticulated. Seed oblong. Em-
bryo conduplicate, involving the deeply 2-parted mealy albumen ;
radicle linear-terete; inner cotyledon abortive! outer one oblong,
foliaceous, concave, as long as the radicle. This interesting plant
differs from its congeners in its funnel-form perianth, 3-4 androus
flowers, and broadly 3-winged fruit, but I have not been able to
compare it critically with other species of Abronia. It may prove
to be a distinct genus.
POLYGONACE.^.
Polygonum Persicana (Linn.) North fork of the Platte. Sept. 4.
P. aviculare (Linn.) With the preceding.
P. amphibium (Linn.) Sweet Water river. August 4.
P. viviparum (Linn.) Black Hills. July 26.
Rumex salicijolius (Weinn.) With the preceding.
Oxyria renijormis (Hill.) Alpine region of the Wind River moun-
tains. August 13-16.
Eriogofium ovali folium (Nutt.) Horse-shoe creek, upper north fork
of the Platte. July 22.
E. co£spitosum (Nutt.) With the preceding.
E. umbellatum (Torr.) in ann. Lye. Nat. Hist. N. York, 2, p. 241.
Sweet Water river, Aug. 7.
E. Fremontii, n. sp. With the preceding.
E. annuum (Nutt.) North fork of the Platte. September 4.
307
ELEAGNACE^.
Shepherdia argentea (Nutt.) "Grains de boeuf." Upper north fork of
the Platte, from the Red Buttes to the mouth of the Sweet Water.
Aug. 24-28.
S. Canadensis (Nutt.) On a lake in the Wind River mountains.
August 12-17.
Eleagnus argenteus (Pursh). With the preceding.
EUPHORBIACE^.
Euphorbia marginata (Pursh). Forks of the Platte. September 11.
E. polygonifolia (Linn). South Fork of the Platte. July 4.
E. corollata (Linn.) On the Kanzas.
E. obtusata (Pursh). Little Blue river of the Kanzas. July 23.
Pilinophytum capitatum (Klotsch in Weigem. arch. Apr. 1842.)
Croton capitatum (Michx.) Forks of the Platte.
Hendecandra? (Esch.) multi flora, n. sp.; annual canescent, with stel-
late pubescence, dioecious; stem somewhat diffusely and trichoto-
mously branched; leaves ovate-oblong, petiolate, obtuse, entire;
staminate flowers on crowded axillary and terminal compound
spikes. — Laramie river, north fork of the Platte. Sept. 3-11. — About
a foot high. Fructiferous plant unknown. With larger leaves. Forks
of the Platte. July 2. This seems to be the same as the plant of
Drummond's Texan Collection, III., No. 266.
SALICIACEiE.
Salix longifolia (Willd.) On the Platte.
S. Muhlenbergii (Willd.) With the preceding. Several other species
exist in the collection — some from the Platte, others from the
mountains; but I have had no time to determine them satis-
factorily.
Populus tremuloides (Michx.) Lake in the Wind River mountains.
?. angustifolia (Torr. in ann. Lye. N. Hist, of New York, 2, p. 249.)
Sweet Water river. Aug. 21.
P. monilifera (Ait.) Lower Platte.
308
ULMACE^.
Ulmus fulva (Michx.) Lower Platte.
Celtis crassijoUa (Nutt.) With the preceding.
BETULACE^.
Betula glandulosa (Michx.) On a lake in the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 12-17.
B. occidentalis (Hook.) With the preceding.
CONIFERiE.
Finns r'lgida (Linn.) Lower Platte. Without cones. Leaves in threes,
about 3 inches long.
P. undetermined. Defiles of the Wind River mountains. Aug. 13-14.
Between P. Strobus and P. Lambertiana. Leaves in 5's, 1^-2 inches
long, rigid. No cones.
P. {Abies) alba (Michx.) With the preceding.
P. near Balsamea. With the preceding. Leaves only.
Jufiiperus Virginiana (Linn.) Lower Platte.
ENDOGENOUS PLANTS.
ALISMACEiE.
Sagittaria sagittifolia (Linn.) On the Kansas.
ORCHIDACEiE.
Platanthera leucophcea (Lindl.) Black Hills. July 27.
P. hyperborea (R. Br.) Laramie river to the Red Buttes. Aug. 26-31.
Spiranthes cernua (Rich.) Sweet Water river. Aug. 7.
Aplectrum hyemale (Nutt.) On the Platte. June 29.
IRIDACE^.
Sisyrinchium anceps (Linn.) North fork of the Platte. July 12.
Iris Missouriensis (Nutt. in Jour. Acad. Phil. 7, p. 58.) In fruit.
309
Sweet Water river. Aug. 3. Rhizoma very thick. Leaves narrow,
rigid, as long as the scape. Scape nearly naked, 2-flowered, terete,
10 inches high. Capsules oblong obtusely triangular. Flowers not
seen.
LILIACEiE.
Yucca angustifolia (Sims). Laramie river. July 14.
Allium reticulatum (Fras.) Defiles in the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 12-17.
Smilacina stellata (Desf.) From the Laramie river to the Red Buttes.
Aug. 26-31.
MELANTHACEiE.
Zigadenus glaucus (Nutt.) Sweet Water river. Aug.
JUNCACEiE.
f uncus echinatus (Muhl.) North fork of the Platte. Sept. 4.
COMMELYNACE.E.
Tradescantia Virginica (Linn.) and a narrow-leaved variety. Kansas
and Platte.
CYPERACE^.
Carex jestucacea (Schk.) On the Kansas. June.
C. aurea (Nutt.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June 22.
C. panicea (Linn.) Alpine region of the Wind River mountains,
near perpetual snow. Aug. 15.
C. atrata (Linn.) With the preceding.
GRAMINE^.
Spartina cynosuroides, (Willd.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June
22.
310
Aristida pallejis, (Pursh). On the Platte. June 29.
Agrostis Michauxiana (Trin.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June
23.
Phleum alpinum, (Linn.) Alpine region of the Wind River moun-
tains. Aug. 13-14.
Bromus ciliatus (Linn.) On the Platte. June-Aug.
Festuca ovina (Linn.) Alpine region of the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 13-14.
Festuca nutans, (Willd.) On the Kansas.
Foa laxa (Haenke.) With the preceding.
F. crocata (Michx.?) With the preceding. Spikelets 2-flowered.
F. nervata (Willd.) On the Kansas.
Koeleria cristata (Pers.) Big Blue river of the Kansas, and on the
Platte as high as Laramie river. June 20-July 22.
Deschampsia ccespitosa, (Beauv.) Alpine region of the Wind River
mountains. Aug. 13-14.
Andropogon scoparius (Michx.) Lower Platte.
A. nutans (Linn.) Laramie river, North fork of the Platte. Sept. 3-4.
Hordeum jubatum (Ait.) Forks of the Platte. July 2.
Elymus Virginicus (Linn.) Big Blue river of the Kansas. June 20.
E. Canadensis (Linn.) Little Blue river of the Kansas. June 22.
Bec/{mannia erucijormis (Jacq.) North fork of the Platte. July 22.
EQUISETACE^.
Equisetum arvense (Linn.) On a lake in the Wind River mountains.
Aug. 12-17.
FILICES.
Hypopeltis obtusa (Torr. compend. hot. N. States, p. 380, 1826.)
Aspidium obtusum (Willd.) Woodsia Perriniana (Hook, and
Grev. Icon. Fil. I. t. 68.) Physematium (Kaulf.) obtusum, (Hook,
fl. Bor.— Am. 2, p. 259.) On the Platte.
3"
ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS.
The maps which accompany this report are on Flamsteed's modi-
fied projection, and the longitudes are referred to the meridian of
Greenwich.
For the determination of astronomical positions, we were pro-
vided with the following instruments:
One telescope, magnifying power 120.
One circle, by Gambey, Paris.
One sextant, by Gambey, Paris.
One sextant, by Troughton.
One box chronometer, No. 7,810, by French.
One Brockbank pocket chronometer.
One small watch with a light chronometer balance, No. 4,632,
by Arnold & Dent.
The rate of the chronometer 7,810, is exhibited in the following
statement:
"New York, M«)/ 5, 1842.
"Chronometer No. 7,810, by French, is this day at noon—
"Slow of Greenwich mean time — — 11' 4''
"Fast of New York mean time — — ^h 45' V
"Loses per day — — — — — 2 Ao
"Arthur Stewart,
"74 Merchants' Exchange."
An accident among some rough ground in the neighborhood of
the Kanzas river, strained the balance of this chronometer (No.
7,810,) and rendered it useless during the remainder of the cam-
paign. From the 9th of June to the 24th of August inclusively, the
longitudes depend upon the Brockbank pocket chronometer; the
rate of which, on leaving St. Louis, was fourteen seconds. The rate
obtained by observations at Fort Laramie, 14".05, has been used in
calculation.
From the 24th of August until the termination of the journey. No.
4,632 (of which the rate was 35".79) was used for the sdme purposes.
312
The rate of this watch was irregular, and I place but little confidence
in the few longitudes which depend upon it, though, so far as we
have any means of judging, they appear tolerably correct.
313
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METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS
The elevations which have been given in the course of the pre-
ceding report, are founded upon the annexed barometrical observa-
tions, and it is scarcely necessary to say are offered only as the best
indications we have. The barometers were compared with those of
Dr. G. Engelman, of St. Louis, Missouri, whose observations are
given for a corresponding period. The following is the result of
forty comparative observations of three barometers instituted by him
from May 22d, to May 29th, 1842, at St. Louis. Range of barometers
during that period 0" .400, temperature 60° to 75°. Barometer E, as
observed for and noted in the journal of the academy:
= Fremont's Troughton (T.)— 0" .136 = Fremont's Carey (C.)
—0" .178.
Range in the differences:
Mean E = Fremont's Troughton (T.)— 0" .136 = Fremont's Carey (C.)— 0" .178
Minimum = " "— 0".116= " " 0" .167
Maximum = " " —0" .150 = " " 0" .190
Range = " " 0" .034 = " " 0" .023
In the annexed observations, the barometers, Troughton and
Carey, are designated respectively by the letters T. and C. In calcu-
lation the observations at the upper stations were referred to the
single corresponding observations for the relative period of time at
the lower station. It would perhaps have been better to refer to the
mean of the observations for the month at the lower station. In cal-
culation, the tables used were those of Bessel and of Oltmanns, as
given in Humboldt.
317
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The Expedition
of 1843-44
to Oregon and California
62. John Torrey to Asa Gray
Princeton, March 26th 1843.
My dear friend
Fremont has at last communicated to me his plans for the ensuing
season. He is to leave Washington about the 5th of April — & before
the 1st of May he expects [to] be beyond the western frontier of Mis-
souri. He "proposes crossing the mountains to the south of the Great
Pass — range along their western bases — visit the mountainous region
of the Flat Head Country — probably go as far down as Fort Van-
couver— & return by the heads of the Missouri." This will do! I have
already given him directions for collection & preserving specimens
& he promises to pay attention to what we, of course, consider the
main object of the expedition.^
Yours affectionately,
John Torrey
ALS, RC (MH-G). Addressed, "Prof. A. Gray, Harvard University, Cam-
bridge, Mass."
1. A few weeks later Torrey wrote Cray again, expressing a fear that his
catalogue of Fremont's plants would be poorly printed. "I have only received
one proof sheet, & that was as bad as it could be. The whole style of the thing
was changed from my Mss. I wished it set up like my Rocky Mo[untain]
paper but they made it purely Etonian, & employed a very fine type. The
extra copies that I requested have not been sent to me & if they are as bad
[as] I fear they will be I shall destroy the whole" (rodgers, 158).
63. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topi Engineers
Washington April 22 1843
Sir
Allow me to call your attention to certain vouchers which your
accounts require, namely the vouchers from the Chouteaus, and the
one of the last payment to Mr. Nicollet. These must be forwarded
before you start on your expedition to the West. Very Respectfully
Sir Your Obt. Servt.,
J. J. Abert
Col. Corps T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 6:225).
64. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau Topographical Engs.
Washington April 26th 1843
Sir
It appears to me to be no more than a just tribute to your exertions
that I should express my great personal as well as official satisfaction
with your report which has now been printed, reflecting credit alike
upon your good taste as well as intelligence. It is by efforts like
these that officers elevate their own character while they also render
eminent public services; and while they also contribute to the stand-
ing and usefulness of their particular branch of service.
Perseverance in the course you have commenced cannot fail to
lead to distinction and to impress you with the gratifying reflection
that while your labors bring credit to yourself they also diffuse it to
others. Very Respectfully Your Obt. Servt.,
J. J. Abert
CI. C. T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 6:227).
342
65. Fremont to Stephen Watts Kearny
[ca. 8 May 1843]
REQUISITION FOR ORDNANCE AND ORDNANCE STORES,
FOR AN EXPEDITION INTO THE OREGON TERRITORY
4-^
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-a
Oregon Territory.
ts!
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Carriage complet
harness.
O
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o
So
Pounds of artille
munition.
3
H
Required May 8, 1843
1
1
4
2
33
5
500
200
Sir: I have been ordered to make an exploration, military and geo-
graphical, principally to connect, on the line of communication
usually travelled, the frontiers of Missouri with the mouth of the
Columbia. In the course of the service I shall be led into countries in-
habited by hostile Indians, so that it is absolutely necessary to the
performance of this service that my party, consisting of about thirty
men, be furnished with every means of defence which may conduce
to its safety.
I have accordingly made the above requisition for the necessary
arms, which I trust you will be able to issue.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. C. Fremont,
2d Lieut. Topographical Engineers.
Printed in "Message of the President communicating the correspondence re
the mountain howitzer taken by Lieutenant Fremont on the expedition to the
Oregon," Senate Doc. 14, 28th Cong., 1st sess.. Serial 432. While the requisi-
tion is undated it must have been near 8 May, for on that date, Stephen Watts
Kearny (1794-1848), who was in command of the Third Military Depart-
ment with headquarters at Jefferson Barracks, near St. Louis, and who was
a friend of the Benton family, ordered Capt. William H. Bell, commanding
the St. Louis Arsenal, to issue the requisition as Fremont was "to leave
to-morrow and therefore has not time to hear from Washington." He assured
343
Bell that he (Kearny) assumed "the whole responsibility." Bell obeyed the
"positive order" reluctantly and two days later wrote his superior in the
Ordnance Office in Washington, Lieut. Col. George Talcott, and asked for his
sanction "to this issue" and noted that "if in this matter I have erred, I hope
the colonel will perceive that it has been in consequence of being placed in a
dilemma of some difficulty and that it has been from a want of anything
but a respect for the order and regulations of my department."
66. P. Chouteau, Jr., and Company
to Employees of the Company
Saint Louis 10 May 1843
To ANY Gentlemen associated with our House or
OTHER person OR PERSONS IN OUR EMPLOYMENT
This will be presented by Lieut. }. C. Fremont of the U. S. Top-
ographical Engineers on a tour to the Pacific Ocean in the service of
the Government whom we beg to recommend in a particular man-
ner to your kindness & attention — and to whom we request you will
extend such aid & assistance as may from circumstances be nec-
essary.
As the pursuits of the Gentleman are for the public good, we trust
you will not hesitate to comply with his wishes & cheerfully attend
to the wants & requirements of Lieut. Fremont in case of need. Very
truly yours &c.
P. Choteau Junr. & Co.
ALS, RC (CLSM).
67. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Bureau of Topogl Engineers
Washington May 15th 1843
Sm
Understanding that you are probably yet at St. Louis, I must call
your attention to my letter of the 22d ulto. in reference to certain
vouchers & again to repeat the injunction of this office in reference
344
to the limit of the expenditures of your expedition, as I understand
from good authority that this amount will be sufficient. Very Re-
spectfully Your Obt. Servt.,
J. }. Abert
Col. Corps T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 6:266).
68. J. J. Abert to Fremont
Duplicate to Fort Leavenworth
Bureau of Topogl. Engs.
Washington, May 22d. 1843
Sir.
From the reports which have reached the Bureau in reference to
the arrangements which you are making for the expedition to the
Rocky Mountains, I fear that the discretion and thought which
marked your first expedition will be found much wanting in the
second.^
The limit placed upon your expenditures by the orders of this
office, sufficiently indicated the kind of expedition which the De-
partment was willing to authorize. But if reports be true you will
much exceed this amount, the consequences of which will be to
involve yourself in the most serious difficulties.
I hear also that among other things, you have been calling upon
the Ordnance Department for a Howitzer. Now Sir what authority
had you to make any such requisition, and of what use can such a
piece be in the execution of your duties. Where is your right to in-
crease your party in the numbers & expense, which the management
and preservation of such a piece require. If the condition of the
Indians in the mountains is such as to require your party to be so
warlike in its equipment it is clear that the only objects of your
expedition geographical information cannot be obtained.
The object of the Department was a peaceable expedition, similar
to the one of last year, an expedition to gather scientific knowledge.
If there is reason to believe that the condition of the country will
not admit of the safe management of such an expedition, and of course
will not admit of the only objects for the accomplishment of which
345
the expedition was planned, you will immediately desist in its fur-
ther prosecution and report to this office.^ Very Respectfully Your
Obt. Servt.,
J. J. Abert
Col. Corps T. E.
Lbk (DNA-77, LS, 6:279-80).
1. Captain Bell's letter, with copies of Fremont's requisition (see Doc. No.
65) and Kearny's order, had reached Washington and had been laid before
James M. Porter, the Secretary of War ad interim, who, in turn referred them
to Abert. And when Abert in effect replied that small arms — but not the
howitzer — were consistent with JCF's order for a peaceful geographical survey,
the Secretary of War wrote: "This whole proceeding appears to have been
singularly irregular. If the party of the topographical corps needed arms, they
should have applied through the regular channels, and in season. Putting oflf
the application to the last hour was ill-advised, and the consequences should
have been visited upon those in fault. Order, regularity, and system, must be
preserved, and the commandant of the department should not have required,
and officers of the ordnance should never have issued, public property in the
irregular manner in which this was done. I cannot sanction the proceeding."
See "Mess